The first years after the arrest of Ernst Thalmann, the conditions of imprisonment of the leader of the Communist Party of Germany were quite mild: he had paper, ink, newspapers at his disposal, frequent visits were allowed with his wife Rosa and daughter Irma. The Nazis insisted that he break with the communist movement and denounce his associates. But Telman was unshakable. Rosa Telman carried numerous letters out of prison and handed them over to relatives, to Telman's party comrades, as well as to the Soviet leadership. In correspondence with his father and friends, Telman spoke about his past life, in letters to party comrades he expressed his view of political events. How the "Soviet comrades" assessed the importance of saving Telman's life will be discussed below. One way or another, the letters of Ernst Thalmann, found in the archive of the President of the Russian Federation, are extremely valuable material for studying his life. They were published in the Russian journal New and Contemporary History and published as a separate book in Germany.
"Man of the people"
To say that fate itself has prepared for him the role of a people's leader would be an exaggeration. It would be more correct to say that he prepared himself for this role "from an early age." The eldest son in the family, he was still a child forced to help his parents in their trading enterprise, and therefore there was not much time left for study. And yet, at the age of 14, Ernst graduated from a 9-year folk school, which made it possible to continue his education and receive the title of a craftsman or even a teacher. The young man did not take advantage of this opportunity, as he worked, as they would say now, in the family business. But the guy was not satisfied with the pocket money that his father gave him, as well as the restriction of his freedom.
Self-esteem and self-confidence were brought up in everyday work: at the age of 16, he got a job at the Hamburg shipyards. His first contacts with the socialist youth date back to this time. In 1903, 17-year-old Ernst Thalmann became a member of the SPD. Having changed the profession of a loader to a transport worker, in 1904 Ernst Thalmann joined the trade union of transport workers.
He was called up for military service, which he held in Cologne, in the artillery division. But he left her prematurely due to illness. Apparently, the sea still called him to him, because he got a job in the shipping company Hamburg-Amerika-Linie and from October to December 1907 worked as a fireman on the ship Amerika. Stoker Telman visited New York three times.
In a black naval cap with a visor, he was a typical port worker, in Hamburg he was considered “his boyfriend”, which later allowed his comrades in the communist party to call Telmann “Man of the people” (“Mann aus dem Volk”) without any exaggeration.
Family and party
After returning to Hamburg, Ernst Thalmann was engaged in the transportation of goods from the port to warehouses, shops, and so on. Most often, the transportation routes passed by the Frauenlob sewing workshop, where the pretty girl Rosa Koch worked as an ironer (according to other sources, the headmistress). They met and immediately parted: the First World War began. Ernst Thalmann was called up for his military specialty - artillery. Like many other communists at that time, he showed himself quite loyal to the government and the fatherland; was twice wounded and was very proud of the military order (Iron Cross 2nd class), which he was awarded in the spring of 1918. He spent a short vacation after another injury in Hamburg, where he married Rosa Koch. On November 6, 1919, an addition appeared in the young family - a daughter, Irma, was born.
Political career happy father quickly went up. He became the organizer of the left wing of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD), which emerged from the SPD. He established close contacts with the Communist Party, which he joined in December 1920. But even before that, from February 1919, he had a mandate as a member of the Hamburg Parliament.
Due to calls for an armed uprising, he was fired from the port. Since then, the family lived on the party salary. On June 17, 1922, a hand grenade exploded at the door of their apartment at Siesenstraße 4. The assassination attempt on Telman ended in damage to property and the fright of his wife and child.
In 1924, Telman was elected to the Reichstag, where until the end of the Weimar Republic he remained a member of the parliamentary faction of the Communist Party. The parliamentary faction had its headquarters in Berlin. In the autumn of 1925, apparently not without the influence of Joseph Stalin, Ernst Thalmann became chairman of the Communist Party of Germany. Since that time, he constantly traveled between Berlin and Moscow, where he was received as a leading communist in Germany and a member of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. Most of the members of the left wing of this committee, to which Ernst Thalmann also belonged, considered world revolution to be the ultimate goal of their work.
Telman's visits to Moscow did not go unnoticed by other states. In August 1932, the Red Army Intelligence Directorate informed Kliment Voroshilov that the U.S. Deputy Secretary of State and the Polish Ambassador were discussing with interest the visit to Moscow of Ernst Thalmann, who had tried to persuade the leadership of the Comintern to promote the revolution in Germany even before the appointment of Adolf Hitler (Adolf Hitler) Chancellor. Meanwhile, the family life of the leader of the German Communists experienced problems. Rosa and her daughter lived in Hamburg, "in a typical working-class family," as the party press wrote, and Ernst Thalmann lived in Berlin. Here he rented an apartment at Lützower Straße 9, owned by the communist Martha (Martha Kluczynski). Biographers do not exclude the existence of an intimate relationship between the hostess and the employer ...
At the time of Ernst Thalmann's arrest, Marta was at home. Since then, she has never seen him again.
Who can advise Stalin?
The mild conditions of detention of Ernst Thalmann in custody still did not exceed the norms of what was permitted. So, he was not allowed to go to his father's funeral, which took place on November 4, 1933 in Hamburg. But correspondence was not forbidden.
In a letter dated March 1, 1939 from prison, Moabit Telman sent a greeting to the 18th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. He repeatedly repeated the cliches of Soviet propaganda about the need for the most severe reprisals against the enemies of the party and about the "grand successes" of the Soviet country. At the same time, the German communist was not afraid to express thoughts that could hardly please Stalin. This is how Telman formulated his understanding of party democracy: “... even serious shortcomings and mistakes made in party life will be discussed without fear, openly before the public at the party congress. Not only the leader, as an elected speaker, makes a speech for the party congress and the Russian people, but everyone else listens and must be silent, no, everyone can take part in the discussion of problems and attitudes, express their opinion and thereby take part in the education of the party and the people " .
Plenipotentiary Shkvartsev urgently forwarded the letter to Vyacheslav Molotov with the note "Only in person". The letter was not read from the rostrum of the congress (which its author might have hoped for). Moreover, the resolution on it reads: “Report strictly secret! For information only to members of the Politburo!
Upon learning of the conclusion of the Soviet-German pact, Ernst Thalmann, in his letter to Moscow dated September 1, 1939, writes: “It is noteworthy that, starting from the end of February 1939, lies and slander against the Soviet Union and dirty attacks on his leaders. Even from brief notes in the German press regarding the XVIII Party Congress of the CPSU (b), it was possible to establish some weakening in the tension of relations. The letter expressed the hope that during the Moscow negotiations the issue of his release was discussed: “Whether it was resolved so that I can hope for a speedy release, I may not know, but my hope today is yes.”
After the conclusion of the pact, the conditions of Telman's detention temporarily improved: he was allowed to see his wife and daughter twice a week, sometimes these visits lasted 8 hours. German officials demanded from Telman a public statement of support for the Nazi regime, but his position remained firm. Here is what a German communist writes to Moscow about this: “I am now convinced that Stalin and Molotov did not miss and did not forget, during negotiations in Moscow with Ribbentrop, to raise the question of the release of political prisoners in Germany, including me, and for me it is quite clear that my friends could only do this, and not otherwise.
After the war, Rosa Telman, who went through a German concentration camp, spoke about a letter that became known to her from Proskurov, the acting head of the intelligence department of the General Staff of the Red Army, to Georgy Dimitrov dated February 17, 1940: “They came to Ernst with a proposal to sign a paper, a document denouncing communism and about him away from communism because his friends decided to leave him. In response to this, he named the names of the leaders and the highest leader (meaning Comrade Stalin) and said that these friends would never leave him.
"To the archive"
The boldness with which he writes impartial reports to Moscow about the recent Molotov-Ribbentrop pact is striking: “Some of the sympathizers abroad and former comrades are not satisfied. They raise the question: how is it possible that Stalin and Hitler united. Their doubts go so far that they even dare to utter the word "betrayal", and they believe that in the event of a European war, assistance from the Soviet government, provided to Germany, will prevent the destruction of the Nazi regime. And their most fervent desire - to be free from this regime - is now completely destroyed.
And as if not realizing that he himself was drawing a line under his fate, Telman, in a letter dated March 5, 1940, points out to Stalin: “... For our parties in France, England and the USA, in this case, a very difficult situation will come, since then the German the Soviet non-aggression pact would be used as a pretext for a complete ban on the legal activities of communist parties during the war. On the basis of the German-Russian agreement, it is necessary to provide for the growth of great antipathy against the Soviet Union in the event of war. Telman could not know that on this letter of his, Joseph Stalin personally put a resolution: "To the archive." Rosa Telman's appeals to the Soviet embassy with a request to report on the measures taken by Moscow to assist Telman did not give any result. The plenipotentiary asked her only to tell the prisoner that "shakes his hand."
After the assassination attempt on the Fuhrer on July 20, 1944, Himmler (Himmler) received a personal order from the Fuhrer to massacre Telman. On the night of August 17-18, the leader of the German Communists was shot by an SS team in the Buchenwald concentration camp.
Ernst Thalmann(German Ernst Thalmann; April 16, 1886 Altona, Hamburg - August 18, 1944 concentration camp Buchenwald) is the leader of the German Communists. Member of the Reichstag from 1925 to 1933. One of Hitler's main political opponents.
From the age of 14 he worked as a packer, carrier, port worker, porter in the harbor, then he was a ship's cabin boy and assistant fireman. Once in the United States, he worked as an agricultural worker on a farm. Since 1912, he headed the trade union of transport workers in Hamburg.
During the First World War he served in the artillery. At the end of 1917 he joined the Independent Social Democratic Party. In 1919 he became the head of the Hamburg city organization of the party. In 1920 he joined the organization to the Communist Party. Since 1922, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany. Under his leadership, the Hamburg Uprising was carried out in 1923.
Since 1924, Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany. In 1925 he was elected a member of the Reichstag (he remained until 1933). He led the military wing of the KKE - the Rot Front organization. After the arson staged by the Nazis on the Reichstag building on the night of February 27-28, 1933, communist arrests began in Germany. On March 5, 1933, Telman was arrested and held on Hitler's orders in solitary confinement. There was no trial of Telman (after the failure of the trial of Georgy Dimitrov, the Nazis avoided public trials of political opponents).
In August 1944, Telman was transferred to the Buchenwald concentration camp, where he was shot on August 18, 1944 on the direct orders of Hitler and Himmler.
“If I say that I see the meaning of life in the struggle for the cause of the working class, then you are unlikely to understand me ...” (Ernst Thalmann).
Memory
- The name of Ernst Thalmann was carried by a pioneer organization in the GDR.
- Since 1972, the name of Ernst Thalmann has been one of the uninhabited islands of Cuba.
- In honor of Telman in the USSR named:
- Telmanovo (until 1935 Ostheim) Donetsk region,
- Telman village in the Leningrad region, created on the basis of a German colony, car repair plant named after. Telman in Voronezh. The village to them. Telman in the Ramensky district of the Moscow region. The name of Ernst Telman is the village in the Marksovsky district of the Saratov region (the territory of the former ASSR NP). Telmankend is the former name of the village of Ahmedbeyli in the Astara region of the Republic of Azerbaijan.
- The name of Ernst Thalmann is a square in Moscow near the Aeroport metro station, on which in 1986 a monument to Thalmann was erected.
- A street in the Nevsky district of St. Petersburg is named after Ernst Thalmann.
- Streets in a number of cities in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus are also named after him.
- One of the largest monuments to Telman, which is a gift from the inhabitants of the GDR, was opened on May 8, 1960 in Pushkin, a suburb of Leningrad.
After the collapse of the socialist system, monuments to Telman were no longer built, however, in the village of Telman, Tosnensky district, Leningrad region, on June 13, 2011, a monument to Telman was opened, built on the initiative of its resident, head of SU-326 D. T. Martynchuk, sculptor - Beishembek Turdaliev .
The program consisted of 25 items:
The program of the German Workers' Party is a temporary program. After the implementation of this program, the party leaders give up trying to put forward new program goals just to ensure the continued existence of the party by artificially building up discontent among the masses.
1. We demand the unification of all Germans in a Greater Germany on the basis of the peoples' right to self-determination.
2. We demand equality for the German people on an equal footing with other nations and the abolition of the provisions of the Versailles and Saint-Germain peace treaties.
3. We demand living space: territories and lands (colonies) necessary for the subsistence of our people and for the settlement of its excess part.
4. A citizen of Germany can only be one who belongs to the German nation, in whose veins German blood flows, regardless of religious affiliation. Thus, not a single Jew can be classified as a German nation, and also be a citizen of Germany.
5. Anyone who is not a German citizen can reside in it as a guest, with the rights of a foreigner. Every foreigner is obliged to comply with the requirements of the legislation on foreigners.
6. The right to hold positions related to lawmaking, as well as state administration, may belong exclusively to citizens. Therefore, we demand that all positions in any public organization, at any level - national, regional or municipal - be occupied only by citizens of the state. We fight against the corrupting parliamentary practice of occupying positions only depending on party affiliation, without regard to character and abilities.
7. We demand that the state first undertakes to take care of the employment and life of German citizens. If it is impossible to feed the entire population of the state, then persons belonging to foreign nations (not citizens of the state) must be expelled from the country.
8. All further immigration to Germany of persons of non-German origin must be suspended. We demand that all persons of non-German origin who immigrated to Germany after 2 August 1914 be expelled from the state.
9. All citizens of the state must have equal rights and duties.
10. The first duty for every German citizen is the performance of mental or physical work. The activities of each individual citizen should not be contrary to the interests of society as a whole. On the contrary, such activities should take place within the framework of society and be aimed at the common good. Therefore, we require:
11. The destruction of unearned and easy incomes, as well as the breaking of percentage slavery.
12. In view of the enormous loss of life and property required of a nation in every war, personal enrichment in time of war must be considered a crime against the nation. Thus, we demand the complete confiscation of all profits related to personal enrichment in wartime.
13. We demand the nationalization of all (previously) created joint-stock enterprises (trusts).
14. We demand the participation of workers and employees in the distribution of the profits of large commercial enterprises.
15. We demand the development and creation of a truly decent pension system.
16. We demand the creation of a healthy middle class and its preservation, as well as the immediate removal of large shops from private ownership and their leasing, at low prices, to small producers. We require a fairly strict record of the supply of goods from small producers, carried out on the basis of state orders, orders from communities and lands.
17. We demand a land reform that meets the needs and interests of the nation, the adoption of a law on the gratuitous confiscation of land for public needs. Cancellation of interest on land mortgages, prohibition of land speculation.
18. We demand a ruthless struggle against those who, by their activities, harm the interests of society. We demand the introduction of the death penalty for criminals who have committed a crime against the German people, usurers, speculators, and others, regardless of their religious or racial affiliation.
19. We demand the replacement of Roman law, which serves the interests of the materialistic world order, with German popular law.
20. In order to provide every capable and diligent German with the opportunity to receive a higher education and occupy a leading position, the state must take care of the comprehensive development of our entire system of public education. The programs of all educational institutions must be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. From the very beginning of the development of the child's consciousness, the school should purposefully teach him to understand the ideas of statehood. We demand that especially talented children of poor parents, regardless of their position in society and occupation, should receive education at the expense of the state.
21. The state must direct all efforts to improve the health of the nation: ensure the protection of motherhood and childhood, prohibit child labor, improve the physical condition of the population by legislatively introducing compulsory training sessions and physical exercises, and supporting clubs involved in the physical development of young people.
22. We demand the liquidation of the mercenary army and the creation of a people's army.
23. We demand an open political struggle against deliberate political lies and their dissemination in the press. In order to create a German press, we demand that:
a) all employees, editors and publishers of German newspapers printed in German were citizens of the state;
b) non-German newspapers must obtain special permission from the state to publish. However, they must be published in a non-German language;
c) persons of non-German nationality are prohibited by law from having any financial interest or influence in German newspapers. As punishment for violations of this law, such a newspaper will be banned, and foreigners will be immediately deported. Newspapers harmful to the public interest should be banned. We demand the introduction of a legislative struggle against literary and cultural trends that have a corrupting influence on our people, as well as the prohibition of all measures that contribute to this decay.
24. We demand freedom for all religious denominations in the state, as long as they do not threaten it and do not oppose the moral and moral feelings of the Germanic race. The party, as such, stands on the positions of positive Christianity, but at the same time it is not connected by convictions with any particular denomination. She struggles with the Jewish-materialistic spirit inside and outside of us and is convinced that the further recovery of our national organism can be achieved through constant improvement within ourselves. The latter can be implemented by implementing the principle of the priority of public interests over their own.
25. For the implementation of all of the above, we require:
Creation of a strong centralized power of the state.
The indisputable authority of the central political parliament on the territory of the entire state, as well as in all its organizations.
Creation of estates and professional chambers for the implementation of laws adopted by the state in all federal states.
Party leaders undertake to ensure the implementation of the above points at any cost, and if necessary, even sacrificing their own lives.
But not all Germans shared such views on the future of Germany. There were people who saw the future of the country differently.
Perhaps Telman's political position was predetermined at that time, perhaps even after getting acquainted with the 25 Point Program.
In Hamburg, Telman was elected a member of the Hamburg parliament and chairman of the Hamburg organization of the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD), which in 1920 merged with the Communist Party of Germany, which was Telman's merit.
ERNST THELMANN
And he stands like a party, like a class,
Stands on ground as hard as granite.
Johannes Becher
Ernst Thalmann (1886-1944) was the most prominent figure in the German labor movement, the leader of the German communists. True, at the decisive moment, workers' Germany did not support Thälmann, but supported Hitler with a more understandable and simple political program. But Telman was still highly respected by the workers. Telman was arrested by the Gestapo on March 3, 1933. They did not torture him, they treated him with emphatic respect, after all, his own bone - an Aryan. In 1933-1937 he was in Moabit prison, in 1937-1943 in Hannover prison, in 1943-1944 in Bautzen prison. Many do not understand why he was allowed to live so long, he is a fierce opponent of the regime, which, in general, did not take into account the mystery of human life at all (although what regime did take it into account?). However, Telman was an honest and decent man, whom everyone knew very well, not only workers, but all quiet, peaceful philistine Germany. It's one thing when the neighboring Rabinovich family is massacred or some Poles are sent to the gas chamber.
But it is a completely different matter when it comes to the respected comrade Telman. In the end, Germany was supported by guns, tanks and aircraft, which were made in German factories by the talented hands of German workers. By the way, after some time these hands raised Germany from the ruins in a matter of years and now they make Grundigs and Mercedes, which are considered a particularly prestigious product even in the current victorious countries. In a word, Hitler knew what awaited him in the event of the death of Thalmann - a strike that would paralyze all of Germany, a strike equal in significance to defeat.
But Telman also knew that his imprisonment would end in execution in either of two cases: whether the victory of fascism, which he wanted least of all, since he was a staunch enemy of Hitlerism, or his crushing defeat, when everyone who was on the other side of the barricades would be killed. Here is what Telman wrote in his last surviving letter, dated January 1944: “They will not let me out voluntarily - you can be sure of that. Moreover, no matter how terrible and bitter it is to talk about it here, probably, in the conditions of the advance of the Soviet Army, which poses a serious danger to the Reich, and the consequent deterioration in the general military situation of Germany, the National Socialist regime will do everything to disable Thalmann as personality. In such a situation, the Hitler regime will not hesitate to remove Thalmann from the political horizon in advance or eliminate him altogether.
But there was a third case - the failed conspiracy of Stauffenberg. Supported by regular military, military generals, military and police units, carefully developed by the best Wehrmacht staff officers - this plot was for Hitler the same as the assassination of Kirov for Stalin a decade earlier - an excellent pretext for reprisals against all his political opponents. If earlier it was possible to arrest one or two, and even then with caution - you see, party comrades will get excited, and the National Socialist Party of Germany was made in the image and likeness of the CPSU (b), now it was possible to grab and quickly shoot all objectionable and suspicious. If the innocent are found, we will write off the haste of the investigation, the hardships of wartime (“do you know in what conditions the investigators had to work?”). In a word, the death of the leader of the German proletariat was due to the very course of history.
Telman was brought to the Buchenwald concentration camp for execution. On August 17, 1944, one of the prisoners serving the furnaces of the camp crematorium, the Pole Marian Zgoda, drawing attention to the unusual behavior of the SS men of Varnstedt and Stobbe, who were responsible for the crematorium, decided to find out what it was connected with. From the basement, he managed to get out into the courtyard of the crematorium and hid. Thus he witnessed the execution of Ernst Thalmann.
“The car drove through the gate, where there was a room for the reporter. Prisoner Telman could see in the scattered light of the searchlights to his right the barriers and the barbed wire fence, where anyone who tried to escape was waiting for death. The courtyard of the crematorium, previously immersed in deep darkness, brightly lit up for a few seconds. Marian Zgoda, who was sitting behind a pile of slag, had to completely curl up so as not to fall into the beams of searchlights.
Right next to the entrance to the crematorium, the car stopped. The bumper of the car was less than five meters away from Marian Zgoda. Although the searchlights were off, he could see everything clearly.
The door to the crematorium opened, and yellowish light from the room illuminated the yard. The semi-dark courtyard gave the whole scene something mysterious. The people who arrived in cars and those of the camp servants who were present at that moment did not exchange any greetings, did not salute each other. They did not say a single word to each other and acted like professional criminals, silently, with complete mutual understanding ... "
On November 6, 1948, Marian Zgoda reported under oath about his then impressions to the investigator of the Munich court the following:
“Since I wanted to know what it all means, I nevertheless got out of the room through the ventilation hatch and ended up in the courtyard of the crematorium. This was at approximately 8 pm. I hid behind a pile of slag. I stayed there until 12 o'clock at night and saw how the following persons entered the crematorium one after another. I give their names in the order in which they entered the room: Otto, Gust, Hofshulte, Warnstedt, Stobbe, Schmidt, Schidlauski and Berger.
All these people were in the office of the crematorium, from where they often went out to see if the car had come, and it was clear from everything that they were waiting for someone. The phone rang several times. At 10:00 am on August 18, both team leaders, Warnstedt and Stobbe, left the crematorium and opened the gate in the yard to let in a large car. Three people dressed in civilian clothes got out of the car, two of whom were obviously guarding the third one walking in the middle. I could only see this man from behind. He was tall, broad-shouldered and bald. I noticed this because he was without a hat. Berger, Otto, Stobbe and Hofschulte left the crematorium at that time. They stood on both sides in front of the entrance to the crematorium. Persons accompanying Telman in civilian clothes let the prisoner go forward. At that moment, when the prisoner passed four SS men lined up in espaliers and entered the crematoria, three shots were fired after him. The SS men standing on the street and two men in civilian clothes entered the crematorium and closed the door behind them. Three minutes later, a fourth shot rang out in the crematorium. It is quite obvious that this was a shot that is usually used to finish off.
After 20 or 25 minutes, Hofschulte and Otto left the crematorium, others joined them a few minutes later. I heard Hofschulte say to Otto, "Do you know who that was?"
Otto replied that it was the leader of the Communists Telman. In order not to leave traces, the SS men personally burned Telman's body right in his clothes. Three weeks later, they announced that Thälmann had died in an air raid when high-explosive bombs hit the Buchenwald concentration camp. However, this message was almost immediately refuted by the British, since on the day of the death of Telman indicated by the Nazis (August 28), there was not a single Allied aircraft near Buchenwald.
Hitler found a good time to deal with his political opponent: in an atmosphere of general struggle against the conspirators, this execution went unnoticed, the flames of the crematorium buried the evidence. And to judge Telman's killers after the war - with the same success one could judge their pistols. But the Germans, it seems, still got to them ...
Third ReichBiography
After the Reichstag was set on fire on the night of February 27-28, 1933, communist arrests began in Germany. On March 3, 1933, Thälmann was arrested and held in solitary confinement on Hitler's orders. There was no trial of Telman (after the failure of the trial of Georgy Dimitrov, the Nazis avoided public trials of political opponents).
In August 1944, Telman was transferred to the Buchenwald concentration camp, where he was shot on August 18, 1944 on the direct orders of Hitler and Himmler.
“If I say that I see the meaning of life in the struggle for the cause of the working class, then you are unlikely to understand me ...” (Ernst Thalmann).
Memory
- During the Spanish Civil War, several detachments of German anti-fascists as part of the International Brigades were named after him (the most famous is the Telman Battalion).
- During World War II, a partisan company was formed from Yugoslav Germans.
- The name of Ernst Thalmann was carried by a pioneer organization in the GDR.
- Also named after Ernst Thälmann was VEB Fahrzeug und Jagdwaffenwerk Suhl "Ernst Thälmann" (German)Russian- an enterprise that produced small arms in the GDR.
- Since 1972, one of the uninhabited islands of Cuba bears the name of Ernst Thalmann.
- One of the largest monuments to Telman, which is a gift from the inhabitants of the GDR, was opened on May 8, 1960 in Pushkin, a suburb of Leningrad.
- After the collapse of the socialist system, monuments to Telman were no longer built, but in the village of Telman, Tosnensky district, Leningrad region, on June 13, 2011, a monument to Telman was opened, built on the initiative of its resident, the head of CJSC "SU-326" D. T. Martynchik, sculptor - Beishembek Turdaliev .
- The name "Telmanovo" was given to several villages and towns in Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan. In the suburbs of Essentukov there was a village named after. Telman, renamed Sanamer in 1999.
- In St. Petersburg, one of the streets of the Nevsky district in 1956 was named Telman Street.
- Monuments
Memorial plaque on October Revolution Street in Smolensk.
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Bust in Kaliningrad
- In the city of Kaliningrad, one of the streets of the Leningrad region bears the name of Telman, on which a bust of E. Telman is installed.
- In the city of Engels (Saratov region), one of the central streets is named after Telman.
- In Krasnoyarsk, one of the streets is named after Ernst Thalmann
- In the city of Tambov, one of the streets is named after Telman.
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Literature and films
- Bredel W. Ernst Telman: Political biography/ From preface. V. Pika and speech, dedicated. in memory of Ernst Thalmann, uttered W. Ulbricht August 18, 1949. Per. with him. M. O. Chechanovsky.- M.: Foreign literature, . - 208 p.: portrait. - Same: M.: Foreign Literature, . - 205 p.: ill.
- Azarov V. B. Comrade Telman: Poem. - L .: Soviet writer,. - 99 p.
- Wester-Telman I. Ernst Thalmann: Memories of my father / Foreword. V. Pika. - L .: Lenizdat,. - 115 p.: ill., portr.
- Kulbakin V.D. Ernst Telman. - M.: Gospolitizdat, . - 79 p.
- Germany's Immortal Son: Memories of Ernst Thalmann / Per. with him. - M.: Foreign literature, . - 464 p.: ill., portr.
- No, Telman did not die! (Stories and memories about Ernst Thalmann). - M .: Detgiz,. - 111 p.: F.
- Telman E. Fighting speeches and articles. - M.: Moscow worker, 1935.
- Telman E. Letters from prison to relatives and friends: - Messrs. - M .: Politizdat,. - 159 p.: portrait.
- Parnov E. I. The Secret Prisoner (The Tale of Ernst Thalmann). - M .: Politizdat,. - 503 p., ill. - (Fiery revolutionaries); 2nd ed.: . - 470 p., ill.
- Parnov E. I. Selected works: in 2 vols. Vol. 2: The Secret Prisoner (The Tale of Ernst Thalmann); Wake up in Famagusta (A Tale). - M.: Sov. Russia , . - 512 p.
Notes
Links
- P. Przybylsky.
An excerpt characterizing Telman, Ernst
- Sabbath! he shouted commandingly. - Fight, guys! - And he, without ceasing to roll up his sleeve, went out onto the porch.The factory workers followed him. The factory workers, who were drinking in the tavern that morning, led by a tall fellow, brought leather from the factory to the kisser, and for this they were given wine. The blacksmiths from the neighboring smithies, having heard the revelry in the tavern and believing that the tavern was broken, wanted to break into it by force. A fight broke out on the porch.
The kisser was fighting the blacksmith at the door, and while the factory workers were leaving, the blacksmith broke away from the kisser and fell face down on the pavement.
Another blacksmith rushed through the door, leaning on the kisser with his chest.
The fellow with his sleeve rolled up on the move still hit the blacksmith, who was rushing through the door, in the face and shouted wildly:
- Guys! ours are being beaten!
At this time, the first blacksmith rose from the ground and, scratching the blood on his broken face, shouted in a weeping voice:
- Guard! Killed!.. They killed a man! Brothers!..
- Oh, fathers, killed to death, killed a man! screeched the woman who came out of the next gate. A crowd of people gathered around the bloodied blacksmith.
“It wasn’t enough that you robbed the people, took off your shirts,” said a voice, turning to the kisser, “why did you kill a man? Robber!
The tall fellow, standing on the porch, with cloudy eyes led first to the kisser, then to the blacksmiths, as if thinking with whom he should now fight.
- Soulbreaker! he suddenly shouted at the kisser. - Knit it, guys!
- How, I tied one such and such! the kisser shouted, brushing aside the people who had attacked him, and tearing off his hat, he threw it on the ground. As if this action had some mysteriously menacing significance, the factory workers, who surrounded the kisser, stopped in indecision.
- I know the order, brother, very well. I'll go private. Do you think I won't? No one is ordered to rob anyone! shouted the kisser, raising his hat.
- And let's go, you go! And let's go ... oh you! the kisser and the tall fellow repeated one after another, and together they moved forward along the street. The bloodied blacksmith walked beside them. Factory workers and strangers followed them with a voice and a cry.
At the corner of Maroseyka, opposite a large house with locked shutters, on which there was a sign for a shoemaker, about twenty shoemakers, thin, weary people in dressing gowns and tattered chuikki, stood with sad faces.
"He's got the people right!" said a thin artisan with a thin beard and furrowed brows. - Well, he sucked our blood - and quit. He drove us, drove us - all week. And now he brought it to the last end, and he left.
Seeing the people and the bloody man, the artisan who spoke fell silent, and all the shoemakers joined the moving crowd with hasty curiosity.
- Where are the people going?
- It is known where, to the authorities goes.
- Well, did our strength really not take it?
- How did you think? Look what the people are saying.
There were questions and answers. The kisser, taking advantage of the increase in the crowd, lagged behind the people and returned to his tavern.
The tall fellow, not noticing the disappearance of his enemy the kisser, waving his bare hand, did not stop talking, thus drawing everyone's attention to himself. The people mainly pressed against him, assuming from him to obtain permission from all the questions that occupied them.
- He show the order, show the law, the authorities have been put on that! Is that what I say, Orthodox? said the tall fellow, smiling slightly.
- He thinks, and there are no bosses? Is it possible without a boss? And then rob it is not enough of them.
- What an empty talk! - echoed in the crowd. - Well, they will leave Moscow then! They told you to laugh, and you believed. How many of our troops are coming. So they let him in! For that boss. There, listen to what the people are doing, - they said, pointing to a tall fellow.
At the wall of China Town, another small group of people surrounded a man in a frieze overcoat, holding paper in his hands.
- Decree, decree read! Decree read! - was heard in the crowd, and the people rushed to the reader.
A man in a frieze overcoat was reading a poster dated August 31st. When the crowd surrounded him, he seemed to be embarrassed, but at the demand of the tall fellow who squeezed his way up to him, with a slight trembling in his voice, he began to read the poster from the beginning.
“Tomorrow I’m going early to the most serene prince,” he read (brightening! - solemnly, smiling with his mouth and frowning his eyebrows, repeated the tall fellow), “to talk with him, act and help the troops exterminate the villains; we will also become a spirit from them ... - the reader continued and stopped (“Did you see it?” - the small one shouted triumphantly. - He will unleash the whole distance for you ...”) ... - eradicate and send these guests to hell; I’ll come back for dinner, and we’ll get down to business, we’ll do it, we’ll finish it and finish off the villains. ”
The last words were read by the reader in perfect silence. The tall fellow lowered his head sadly. It was obvious that no one understood these last words. In particular, the words: "I'll arrive tomorrow at dinner," apparently even upset both the reader and the listeners. The understanding of the people was tuned to a high tune, and this was too simple and needlessly understandable; it was the very thing that each of them could have said, and that therefore a decree from a higher authority could not speak.
Everyone stood in gloomy silence. The tall fellow moved his lips and staggered.
“I should have asked him!.. Is that himself?.. Why, he asked! two mounted dragoons.
The police chief, who went that morning on the count's order to burn the barges and, on the occasion of this order, rescued a large sum of money that was in his pocket at that moment, seeing a crowd of people advancing towards him, ordered the coachman to stop.
- What kind of people? he shouted at the people, who were approaching the droshky, scattered and timid. - What kind of people? I'm asking you? repeated the chief of police, who received no answer.
“They, your honor,” said the clerk in a frieze overcoat, “they, your honor, at the announcement of the most illustrious count, not sparing their stomachs, wanted to serve, and not just some kind of rebellion, as it was said from the most illustrious count ...
“The count has not left, he is here, and there will be an order about you,” said the chief of police. – Went! he said to the coachman. The crowd stopped, crowding around those who had heard what the authorities said, and looking at the departing droshky.
The police chief at this time looked around in fright, said something to the coachman, and his horses went faster.
- Cheating, guys! Lead to yourself! shouted the voice of the tall fellow. - Don't let go, guys! Let him submit a report! Hold on! shouted the voices, and the people ran after the droshky.
The crowd behind the police chief with a noisy conversation headed for the Lubyanka.
“Well, gentlemen and merchants have left, and that’s why we’re disappearing?” Well, we are dogs, eh! – was heard more often in the crowd.
On the evening of September 1, after his meeting with Kutuzov, Count Rastopchin, upset and offended that he was not invited to the military council, that Kutuzov did not pay any attention to his proposal to take part in the defense of the capital, and surprised by the new look that opened to him in the camp , in which the question of the calmness of the capital and its patriotic mood turned out to be not only secondary, but completely unnecessary and insignificant - upset, offended and surprised by all this, Count Rostopchin returned to Moscow. After supper, the count, without undressing, lay down on the couch and at one o'clock was awakened by a courier who brought him a letter from Kutuzov. The letter said that since the troops were retreating to the Ryazan road beyond Moscow, would it please the count to send police officials to lead the troops through the city. This news was not news to Rostopchin. Not only from yesterday’s meeting with Kutuzov on Poklonnaya Gora, but also from the Battle of Borodino itself, when all the generals who came to Moscow unanimously said that it was impossible to give another battle, and when, with the permission of the count, state property and up to half of the inhabitants were already taken out every night. we left, - Count Rostopchin knew that Moscow would be abandoned; but nevertheless this news, reported in the form of a simple note with an order from Kutuzov and received at night, during the first dream, surprised and annoyed the count.