Nemtsov biography family. Boris Efimovich Nemtsov - biography. Personal life. Women and children of Boris Nemtsov

Who was the prominent opposition Russian politician and public figure who was recently killed in the very center of the capital for the history of our country? Since versions biographies of Boris Nemtsov on Wikipedia- are constantly changing, we consider it necessary to familiarize you with our dossier on the deceased.
- the failed successor of the first president of post-Soviet Russia, Boris Yeltsin, who later played the role of a kind of “father of Russian democracy.” Boris Efimovich Nemtsov in the “roaring nineties” he was both the head of the Nizhny Novgorod province and the deputy chairman of the Russian Government. Then I spent some time in the shoes of a businessman.

Biography of Boris Nemtsov

Not enjoying significant popularity in the country, in the last period of his life he tried to stay afloat as one of the leaders of a liberal-minded political group.
While in the leadership of the RPR-PARNAS party, as a result of cunning political intrigues, “squeezed out” from Vladimir Ryzhkov, he came out for the support of Alexei Navalny, the only popular politician in this political segment. There is an opinion that he is thereby trying to keep his beloved afloat by “adhering” to the strong figure of Alexei Navalny. IN last years was a member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" (since 2008), co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption".

Boris Efimovich Nemtsov(October 9, 1959, Sochi - February 27, 2015, Moscow) - Russian politician and statesman, deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation, one of the founders and leaders of the Solidarity United Movement, co-chairman of the political party "RPR-PARNAS", member of the Coordination Council of the Russian opposition.
During the period 1991-1997 Nemtsov appeared first governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. Then he went to work for the Russian Government as Minister of Fuel and Energy (1997) and First Deputy Chairman of the Russian Government (1997-1998). In 1997-1998 he was a member of the Security Council Russian Federation.
At the time of his work as governor and deputy prime minister, he was the youngest Russian politician in such high positions (in April 1998, this kind of “record” was broken by the appointment of Sergei Kiriyenko as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation).
In 1998, he created the liberal movement “Young Russia”, which then became one of the founders of the “Right Cause” coalition (1998-2000) and the “Union of Right Forces” party. He was elected to the Russian parliament several times, in 1990 he was elected as a people's deputy of the RSFSR, in 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, in 1995-1997 he was a member of the Federation Council as governor.
In 1999-2003, he was a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, where he held the positions of deputy chairman of the State Duma and head of the SPS faction. After 2003, he worked in business and was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine.

After the split in the “Union of Right Forces” (when fellow party members decided to unite into “Right Cause”) in 2008 Nemtsov was one of the initiators of the creation of the opposition democratic movement "Solidarity".
In 2009, with the support of Solidarity, he ran for the post of mayor of Sochi and took 2nd place in the elections after the candidate from the party in power. Since 2012 Nemtsov was co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - People's Freedom Party" (RPR-PARNAS). known for publishing a number of reports on corruption, and also as one of the organizers and participants of the “March of Dissent” (2007), “Strategy-31”, protest rallies “For Fair Elections” (2011-2013) and marches against military operations on the territory of Ukraine ( 2014-2015). At the regional elections on September 8, 2013, he was elected to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the list of the RPR-Parnas party. was shot dead on the night of February 27-28, 2015 in Moscow.

Origin of Boris Nemtsov

Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi in the family of the deputy head of the construction department, Efim Davydovich. Nemtsova(b. 1925) and pediatrician, Honored Doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Eidman (b. 1928). Later, in the TV show “Two Against One,” he said that “Jewish blood flows in him.” From memory Nemtsova, his paternal grandmother was Russian and as a child baptized him in secret from his Jewish mother, which caused her great dissatisfaction.

Education and early years of Boris Nemtsov

He studied in Gorky, where he received secondary and higher education. In 1976 he entered the radiophysics department of Gorkovsky state university them. N.I. Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle Vilen Yakovlevich Eidman taught. Cousin Nemtsov's brother, son of Vilen Eidman - Igor Eidman also studied at Gorky University, and in 1997 moved to Moscow.

Then he worked in research institutes. He worked on problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985, together with his uncle, he was a co-author of V.V. Kurin in the article “Precursor and lateral waves when pulses are reflected from the interface between two media.” In 1985, he defended his dissertation and received the degree of Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences (topic: “Coherent effects of interaction of moving sources with radiation”).
In those years he worked as a tutor in English. He also tried himself in literature - namely, he wrote poetry and stories under the pseudonym Ben Eidman.
In March 1990, he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR for the Gorky national-territorial district, was a member of the Reform Coalition bloc and the Left Center - Cooperation faction.

During the Russian Presidential elections in 1991, there was confidant Boris Yeltsin in the Nizhny Novgorod region. From August 27, 1991 to April 18, 1994, he was the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
On November 30, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on appointment of Nemtsov head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. In 1993, he was elected to the Federation Council; his election campaign, as the Kommersant newspaper wrote, was financed by a businessman with a prison background, Andrei Klimentyev.

The activities of Boris Nemtsov in the banking sector and its consequences (loss of assets by Russia)

In 1994, the Bank of New York transferred $2 million to the Nizhny Novgorod region; an American banker of Russian origin, Natalya Gurfinkel-Kagalovskaya, was responsible for the operation. The transfer was declared erroneous, but Nizhegorodets Bank, which was in a state of bankruptcy, used this money and paid creditors with it. The US Embassy in Russia turned to Nemtsov, who, according to the Prosecutor General's Office, instructed the director of the large Nizhny Novgorod state-owned enterprise Nizhpoligraf to take out a loan of $3.5 million from an Inkombank branch secured by his new administrative building, which, being federal property, was not subject to privatization. However, thanks to the actions of Anatoly Chubais, who was then the head of the State Property Committee, the deal was carried out.

Of the loan received, according to investigators, $2 million was transferred to the Bank of New York. However, the loan was not repaid, and the mortgaged building became the property of Inkombank. At the beginning of 1998, a criminal case was opened regarding the illegal alienation of federal property; investigators conducted interrogation of Nemtsov.
In 1997, former advisor Nemtsova with a criminal past, Andrei Klimentyev said at a new trial that Nemtsov first asked him to pay the Bank of New York a debt of $2 million. However, since Klimentyev did not have free money, he turned to Nizhpoligraf. Rossiyskaya Gazeta wrote in 2003 that the value of the mortgaged building is 10 times higher than the mortgage and “ Boris Nemtsov's scam could cost the state $30-40 million.”

Connections and trials between Boris Nemtsov and Andrei Klimentyev

According to the business publication Kommersant, the election campaign Boris Nemtsov in the elections to the Federation Council was financed by the previously convicted Andrei Klimentyev, with whom Nemtsov been familiar since the 1980s. On Boris Nemtsov and another candidate Klimentyev spent 100 million rubles Klimentyev entered Nemtsov’s inner circle, becoming his adviser. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, “Klimentyev was not only a friend and adviser for a long time Governor Boris Nemtsov, but was actually the main Nizhny Novgorod businessman, who largely determined Nemtsov's economic policy».
On January 20, 1994, the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant Oka, which was state-owned at that time, entered into a loan agreement in the amount of $30 million. Part of the loan in the amount of $18 million was transferred to the plant for targeted expenses, and the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region became the guarantor for repayment of the loan.

In the summer of 1994, during privatization, Andrei Klimentyev bought a 30 percent stake in the Oka plant, and in January 1995 he joined the board of directors of the plant. The regional administration did not exercise control over the spending of the loan allocated to the plant and part of the funds was spent inappropriately.
At the beginning of 1995, on the initiative Boris Nemtsov The prosecutor's office opened a criminal case against Andrei Klimentyev, and acted as a witness for the prosecution in court. Klimentyev and plant director Kislyakov were found guilty of embezzling $2 million 462 thousand, but the verdict was then overturned by the Supreme Court, which completely acquitted the businessmen.
In 1998, Klimentyev was tried again in this case, found guilty, and he was sentenced to 6 years in prison.
Klimentyev, in turn, accused Boris Nemtsov in receiving and extorting bribes, also stating that the criminal case is revenge on the part of Nemtsova. Thus, according to Klimentyev, he asked him to pay the American Bank of New York a debt of $2 million for the Nizhegorodets bank, expecting to receive $400 thousand from the transfer. In addition, as Klimentyev stated, he wanted to receive 800 thousand dollars for helping the plant obtain a loan. Nemtsov himself called Klimentyev’s accusations slander. As Alexander Prudnik, a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote, Klimentyev’s arrest “can be considered the first experience in Russia in introducing penitentiary technologies into the political, electoral reality.”

Connections between Boris Nemtsov and B. Brevnov

Since 1992, economic advisor Nemtsova young businessman Boris Brevnov began working, whom he later described as a “talented person.”
In March 1992, Yegor Gaidar signed a government decree allowing Boris Nemtsov create a conversion fund. The money transferred to this fund went to the account of the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House, a commercial bank created with public funds. In the same year, Brevnov, with permission Nemtsova became chairman of the bank's board. In 1997, Brevnov was elected chairman of its board of directors. The bank established a subsidiary, Region LLC, whose owner was Brevnov. According to the head of the State Duma working commission, Vladimir Semago, significant amounts were transferred to Region LLC.
The bank was involved in the case of embezzlement of a state loan to the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant "Oka". As I wrote Chief Editor newspapers "Promyshlennye Vedomosti" Moses Gelman, "manipulation Nemtsova and Brevna with budget money, among other things, led to the collapse of the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant itself, and, consequently, to unemployment in this city.”
In 1992, in his own words, he introduced Brevnov to US citizen Gretchen Wilson, an employee of the International Finance Corporation. In 1997, Brevnov and Wilson got married. As Novaya Gazeta wrote, Wilson, with the help Nemtsova“privatized the largest Balakhna paper mill for only seven million dollars (the real price of the unique mill exceeds this price tens of times).
They sucked everything possible out of the plant and subsequently destroyed it, creating unbearable conditions for the workers.” The Balakhninsky plant was purchased for $7 million by the American bank CS First Boston (whose Moscow branch was headed by Boris Jordan). Andrey Klimentyev, formerly an advisor Nemtsova, said the plant's annual turnover was $250 million, and CS First Boston bank later organized trips Nemtsova to Davos, Switzerland. In his book “Confession of a Rebel,” Wilson called “a very smart woman” who “did a lot for the Nizhny Novgorod region.”
Later, when Nemtsov went to work for the Russian government, Brevnov, under his patronage, became chairman of the board of RAO UES of Russia.

Activities of Boris Nemtsov as governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region

In December 1995, he was elected governor in the elections in the Nizhny Novgorod region. The Kommersant newspaper wrote that in 1995 he “gained great fame as a reformer,” whose experience in structural restructuring of the economy of a particular region the government recommended to implement everywhere.
At the beginning of 1996 initiative of Boris Nemtsov In the Nizhny Novgorod region, a collection of signatures was carried out for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were transferred to President Yeltsin.
In his work “The History of Contemporary Domestic Journalism,” Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of the Department of Press at Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov Rafail Hovsepyan wrote: All media reported about a truly massive action held by the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region B. Nemtsov. He presented the President with a million signatures of Nizhny Novgorod residents demanding an end to the war in Chechnya. The action of Nizhny Novgorod residents was supported by many regions of the country.
In the spring of 1996, the initiative group nominated him as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.
In 1996, in a publication edited by Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Tatyana Zaslavskaya, the opinion of the chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities of the Russian Federation Olga Senatova was published. O. Senatova characterized the Boris Nemtsov regime as authoritarian. According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994, he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which hindered the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controllable legislative body - more than 60%, according to Senatova, were executive functionaries at all levels.

According to O. Senatova, “the displacement of structures and individuals from local politics led to an inadequately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents on the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities forced out of local politics were “rushing” to the federal level. Nemtsov patronized by the federal center, which greatly contributed to the influx of investment into the region. According to O. Senatova, he provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (the Aroko company, the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House bank of Boris Brevnov, etc.), while at the same time complicating the activities of others or independent small companies. According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of the “propaganda machine” ensured Nemtsov high popularity among the population.
President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation Sergei Borisov in his study “The current political regime in the Nizhny Novgorod region: Formation in the 1990s” calls one of the “most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime” the folding around Nemtsova by the end of 1993, “an informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, elite corporations”: the executive and legislative branches of government, local “siloviki”, entrepreneurs and media executives.

Borisov noted the following features characteristic of the regime of regional authoritarianism (as Borisov wrote, “in the very set of indicated features of the regime of regional authoritarianism, the Nizhny Novgorod region was no exception”):
* “dominance of the executive power over the representative power at all levels”;
* “the predominance of the principle of corporatism in the code of conduct of subjects of political relations”;
* “allowing the authorities to strengthen other centers of economic and political influence within strictly controlled limits”;
* “direct or indirect control over regional media, primarily electronic”;
* “a stable contract with the central government, including formal and informal guarantees of mutual loyalty”;
* “widespread use of populist tools in relations with the population.”

According to Borisov, a liberal-populist version of such a regime was implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration Governor Nemtsov, however, their possible strengthening was under close attention and was limited, as Sergei Borisov wrote, using a wide variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of government were also pushed back by the governor's administration from the epicenter of the political process.
At the same time, as Borisov wrote, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by “an atmosphere of a certain tolerance.” The governor’s political competitors were pushed to the periphery of public life not through bureaucratic pressure, but through methods of public policy.

Candidate of Historical Sciences Nikolai Raspopov wrote that ““the regime Boris Nemtsov“has been characterized by many experts as close to authoritarian.”
Alexander Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region “represent a technology for intuitive development of new elements of managed democracy.” According to Prudnik, “he blocked the path to the desired future for many talented Nizhny Novgorod residents - both the new generation of politicians and the new generation of entrepreneurs.”
The collection of scientific works of the Moscow Public Scientific Foundation stated that “the style of political leadership Nemtsova can be described as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian."

A study by Sergei Borisov stated that during the period Governorship of Boris Nemtsov In the Nizhny Novgorod region there was a rapid development of the media. The number of city and regional newspapers doubled, changes took place on television - by the beginning of 1997, there were already seven television companies operating in Nizhny Novgorod on six local channels. Borisov wrote that during his governorship Nemtsova there were no relapses (or surrogates) of censorship in the region, he spoke about the “unprecedented openness of the regional administration,” for example, journalists had free access to weekly operational meetings of the governor’s administration, there was no accreditation procedure at all.
BBC Russian Service correspondent Danila Galperovich called the Nizhny Novgorod region a “journalist’s paradise”:
The city of unafraid journalists - that’s how Nizhny Novgorod was called in the mid-1990s for the freedom that was granted to the local sharks with pens and television cameras by the Nizhny Novgorod governor Boris Nemtsov. - “Journalists' paradise in Nizhny Novgorod.”// BBC Russian Service

In his article, Galperovich quoted the words of the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper Nizhegorodsky Rabochiy, Tatyana Postnikova, who compared the situation in the 90s with the state of affairs in 2003:
“He was a good newsmaker himself and was very open to the press. That's why it was interesting to work with him. Now we are working with officials who do not want to be either transparent or open. But they really want to be praised, and for this they come up with all sorts of press conferences, press releases, but nothing more.”

AiF-NN editor-in-chief Natalia Lisitsyna stated:
... The other day I was talking with a colleague from Ukraine and was jealous with white envy - there is now really free media there. The situation is approximately the same as it was in Russia in the 90s. Especially in Nizhny Novgorod, which was called “the land of unafraid journalists.”
By the way, he didn’t call him that at all, as many people think. It was at one of the press conferences that Nizhny Novgorod journalists were envied by their colleagues from the Ulyanovsk region, which was then ruled by a “red” governor. They were amazed that in Nizhny the press service does not collect questions for press conferences in advance, and the media can easily and without damage criticize even the mayor, even the deputies, or even the head of the region. - Natalia Lisitsyna “Gag for the media.” // APN - Nizhny Novgorod
Soon after appointment Boris Nemtsov head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, radical economic reforms began in Russia, which, according to a number of researchers, led to a sharp decline in the Russian economy and a significant drop in the living standards of the population. An economic decline at this time was also observed in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Nemtsov considered the federal government under Yegor Gaidar incompetent, and assessed the reforms it was carrying out as “sluggish schizophrenia.” To the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin Nemtsov was also critical at first, but then changed his mind.
The Profile magazine wrote that “thanks to his exceptional ability to knock investments out of the federal center,” he achieved considerable success in the region: one and a half hundred churches were restored, thousands of kilometers of roads and more than a hundred bridges were built, one hundred thousand houses were gasified, an international airport was opened where Margaret landed Thatcher, John Major and French Prime Minister Alain Joupé.

Professor of the Department of Philosophy and Political Science of the Academy of Labor and Social Relations, State Duma Deputy Stepan Sulakshin wrote:
“Success” indicators Nemtsova in the Nizhny Novgorod region are as follows: the number of criminals here is greater than the national average; the number of patients is higher than the national average; the standard of living is 1.5 times lower than in Russia as a whole; population mortality at the level of the first war years; (...) the industry of the region has practically stopped, the Chkalovsk shipyard is standing still, the Sormovo plant has been stopped

Doctor of Historical Sciences R. A. Medvedev wrote:
In 1995, he won the gubernatorial elections with a large margin over other contenders. They wrote about him then as a rising star of Russian politics, and about Nizhny Novgorod as the “capital of Russian reforms.” One of the international economic journals included Boris Nemtsov to the list of “200 world leaders of the next century.” However, the real successes of the region were not comparable with the scope of the propaganda campaign. There were many undertakings here, but they were not completed, and the region did not become a showcase of liberal reforms. The famous Nizhny Novgorod fair demonstrated the wretchedness and decline of agriculture. The decline in production in many industries was even greater in the region than in the federation as a whole. The standard of living in the region has dropped significantly. The fact that the economy of the Nizhny Novgorod region did not collapse even more was not attributed by local observers to Nemtsov's activities, and with the work of Vice-Governor Ivan Sklyarov, who was responsible for the economy.
From 1991 to 1996, the total number of registered crimes in the Nizhny Novgorod region decreased and became below the national average, while at the same time the number of murders in the region increased by approximately 60%.

Boris Nemtsov's work in the Russian Government

On March 17, 1997, the appointment took place Boris Nemtsov First Deputy Chairman of the Government of Russia. By order of the Russian Government of March 25, 1997, Nemtsov was assigned the following responsibilities:
* organizing reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, ensuring coordination of the activities of federal executive authorities and executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in these areas of activity;
* managing issues of housing and construction policy, antimonopoly policy, demonopolization and development of competition, the activities of natural monopolies, meeting the needs of the economy and population for fuel and energy, and for railway transportation;
* direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the State Antimonopoly Committee, the State Committee for Housing and Construction Policy, and the Federal Energy Commission.
From April 24 to November 20, 1997, he also served as Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, and from May 22, 1997 to October 1, 1998, a member of the Russian Security Council. Roy Medvedev wrote that by appointing Boris Nemtsov, Yeltsin “to the displeasure of Chernomyrdin and Chubais, endowed the new favorite with a huge amount of powers and the ability to contact the president directly,” and also “promised to support Nemtsov for at least two years, or even longer.”

He spoke about his plans, which he described as absolutely priority: First. Together with everyone, we must ensure economic growth in these two years. Second. We must do some unpopular, painful things related to utility reform and the abandonment of countless social benefits. Third. We must ensure government control over natural monopolies. And as a result, they must reduce the level of corruption in the apparatus and the alienation of the people from power.
As Roy Medvedev wrote: A lot of efforts were made in the stated directions, and some specific problems were solved. But the progress was so insignificant that few could notice it. So, for example, even with the competitive principle of supplying the army, the position of the military continued to deteriorate. The abandonment of the system of “authorized” banks did not significantly improve their performance. Communal reform had to be postponed due to the poverty of the population and the state. Carrying out pension reform required stability and high trust in the state. It was not possible to change the system of social benefits for the better. The fight against the privileges of officials stumbled already at the first high-profile event: the replacement of official Mercedes and Volvos with domestic Volgas. (...) Higher officials began to fill out declarations of property and income. However, no one was going to check these declarations, although it was obvious that the amounts of income and property in them were many times underestimated. The struggle was also unsuccessful Nemtsova with the oligarchs. There were a lot of words about “predatory capitalism”, as well as attempts to rein in natural monopolies, but little was actually done. Thousands of influential officials stood up to defend the oligarchs and natural monopolies, but Nemtsov never formed his own team, and the president’s support became increasingly sluggish.

In May 1997, on the recommendation Boris Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 31-year-old Boris Brevnov from the entourage Nemtsova in Nizhny Novgorod is a member of the management of RAO UES of Russia. Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial irregularities in Brevnov’s activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. As Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, noted, “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov, he actually loses control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is being demoted once again: from being the supervisor of the fuel and energy complex, he is being demoted to the level of “meeting the economy’s needs for fuel and energy.” Later himself Nemtsov said that he sometimes made mistakes about the people he promoted to leadership, but emphasized that “he has nothing to repent of.”

Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Nakoryakov, characterizing the activities Boris Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The collapse of the Russian energy industry began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership. The starting point can be called the entry into the energy sector in the mid-90s Boris Nemtsov, B. Brevna and their teams. Until a certain time, the technological groundwork created over previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in energy and economics made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it.”
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that moment, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, the second place in popularity was the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, then General Alexander Lebed, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, as sociologists argued, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.

Roy Medvedev wrote: But already at the beginning of 1998 everything began to change as if by itself. Popularity indicators Nemtsova fell 2, then 3 times. They wrote less and less about him and everything worse. Nemtsov was called a “dummy”, “Khlestakov”, “an unsuccessful trainer of natural monopolies”. He was accused of lack of consistency and perseverance, dubious connections with dubious businessmen, lack of education and unscrupulousness in his means. He was especially often portrayed as a playboy. And he himself, maintaining this reputation, began to appear at beauty contests and made ambiguous statements addressed to pop stars.
By the end of 1999, the presidential Nemtsov's rating fell to 1 percent.
On November 4, 1997, the first deputy prime ministers and Anatoly Chubais, at a meeting with President Boris Yeltsin, sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. According to the memoirs of Boris Yeltsin, Nemtsov and Chubais at this meeting said that “a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country.” The next day, a presidential decree was signed on Berezovsky's resignation. According to Yeltsin’s recollections, the deputy prime ministers “gave a reason” to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as “a rather boring shadow.”

On December 26, 1997, the State Duma adopted a resolution in which it described Boris Nemtsov as an irresponsible and unqualified politician, inviting Yeltsin to relieve him of his position.
At the beginning of 1998, he was appointed to the post of Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. In accordance with the order of the Government of Russia dated May 13, 1998, on Nemtsova The following responsibilities were assigned:
* organizing land reform and reform in housing and communal services, reforms in the field of transportation, ensuring interaction between executive authorities in this area;
* management of issues of formation and implementation of state policy in the field of scientific and technological progress, energy, construction, transport and communications;
* management of issues of antimonopoly policy, including in the field of communications and transport, demonopolization and development of competition, support and development of small and medium-sized businesses, regulation of the activities of natural monopolies;
* management of issues of natural resource use, monitoring and protection environment, development of forestry and fisheries;
* fulfilling the duties of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in the event of his temporary absence;
* coordination of the activities of the Ministry of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy (regarding issues of foreign economic and commercial activities);
* direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Land Policy, Construction and Housing and Public Utilities, the Ministry of Natural Resources, the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the Ministry of Transport, and the State Antimonopoly Committee.

By Decree of the Government of Russia of May 15, 1998 on Boris Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Commission of the Government of the Russian Federation on operational issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on socio-economic problems of coal mining regions.
In May-November 1997 and from May 1998 Nemtsov was also chairman of the board of state representatives at RAO Gazprom.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the Presidential Management Training Program.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to Profile magazine, Boris Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.

On August 24, 1998, he submitted his resignation, which was granted by decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Boris Nemtsov “did little to distinguish himself” as deputy chairman of the government. Among the memorable initiatives Nemtsova the magazine noted his call to transfer Russian officials to domestic cars.

Activities of Boris Nemtsov in 1998-2007 and work in the Neftyanoy concern

On September 22, 1998, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the socio-political movement “Young Russia” was established. was elected chairman of the federal political council of this movement. In the spring of 1999, “Young Russia” became part of the “Just Cause” coalition.
On March 3, 1999, he stated that a default was inevitable in Russia.
At the beginning of March 1999, information appeared in the press that a number of other representatives of right-wing forces were included in the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO UES of Russia. On March 16, Chairman of the State Duma Seleznev said that the Duma will not allow election to the board of directors of this company Boris Nemtsov, Yegor Gaidar, Sergei Kiriyenko and Boris Fedorov.
According to Seleznev, “the Right Cause electoral coalition would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO UES of Russia in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already made mistakes, and it is unclear what they have to do with the energy sector.” On March 22, he announced his refusal to work for RAO UES of Russia.

On April 2, 1999, the State Duma adopted a resolution that stated:
The State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation received with concern media reports about the so-called peacekeeping initiative of a group of formerly notorious Russian politicians E. Gaidar, Boris Nemtsov, B. Fedorov and A. Chubais in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The mentioned persons, in almost all key issues of economics, domestic and foreign policy, followed the interests of the United States of America and a number of other member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which unleashed a criminal war in the Balkans. Their activities caused Russia serious, and in some respects, irreparable damage.

In August 1999 Nemtsov spoke positively about Vladimir Putin’s confirmation as chairman of the Russian government: “For the right-wing forces, Putin is a completely acceptable figure. He is an efficient, experienced and intelligent person, approximately on the same level as Stepashin.”
In September 1999, State Duma Chairman Gennady Seleznyov called on the SPS leaders to disclose the sources of funding for their election bloc. Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces Boris Nemtsov that they are “not poor people.” The State Duma speaker noted that Nemtsov“doesn’t work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he’s a parasite.” As Seleznev stated, in this case, it is not clear where the SPS gets funds “for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on.”
At the end of 1999, together with Sergei Kiriyenko and Irina Khakamada, he headed the list of the Union of Right Forces election bloc. In December, he was elected as a State Duma deputy in the 117th Avtozavodsky constituency of Nizhny Novgorod, and served as deputy chairman of the State Duma, member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.

November 27, 1999 Nemtsov called Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all the candidates who intend to participate in the Russian presidential elections in 2000. He said that Putin should be the next president. According to Boris Nemtsov, Putin is a responsible, honest person, not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form a capable, responsible and competent government.

Subsequently Nemtsov admitted Putin's support was wrong:
If the country has slipped to 154th place in terms of corruption under Putin, if the whole point of his being in power is to line his own pockets and line the pockets of his friends. If all civil rights and freedoms in Russia have been destroyed, then why not admit that your position was wrong, which was 11-12 years ago. Only stubborn idiots do not change their position throughout their lives. Let's remember how radio listeners, for example, treated Yeltsin in 1991? The level of support was 85%, and then dropped in 95-96 to 1%.
Putin’s support was also explained by the official position of the Union of Right Forces:
In 1999, we had a really difficult choice - a serious discussion among the leaders of the SPS party. Three of the party co-chairs, namely Gaidar, Chubais and Kiriyenko, supported Putin, Khakamada and I did not. But since we worked in the same organization, it was decided that the Union of Right Forces supported Putin and we publicly had to adhere to this official position. At the same time, I never voted for Putin in 2000, as well as later.

In the Russian presidential elections held in March 2000, Nemtsov I voted for Grigory Yavlinsky.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, the self-dissolution of this movement was announced in anticipation of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
On May 27, 2001, he was elected chairman of the Federal Political Council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2003, he topped the SPS list in the State Duma elections, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After losing the elections, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004-2005, he was chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern, whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group operated in the bank, which was part of the concern, which, by carrying out illegal banking transactions, received “criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles.” After the start of inspections of the company, he left the concern, saying that he wanted to “eliminate any political risks in the business” of his friend Linshits.
In 2004 elected to the board of the “Committee 2008: Free Choice”

Boris Nemtsov and the Orange Revolution in Ukraine

In 2004 Nemtsov's party The Union of Right Forces officially supported Viktor Yushchenko during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. During the “Orange Revolution” he became one of the few Russian politicians who came out in support of Yushchenko. visited Kyiv several times, speaking at “orange” rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, he was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko. According to himself Boris Nemtsov, “his advice cannot be called fateful, but he did what he could”:
- I would highlight three significant proposals that I made to Yushchenko. The first concerns the cessation of the topic of nationalization of property and the review of the results of Kuchma’s privatization. As many remember, ex-Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko actively insisted on this. I made a proposal to freeze this issue. Yushchenko accepted it.
The second proposal concerns the gasoline, meat, and sugar crises caused by the same Tymoshenko. When she decided to throw the economy into a tailspin, I came to Yushchenko and suggested sending Yulia Vladimirovna to resign. I am not the author of the resignation, the author, of course, is Yushchenko. I just advised him to do it.
My third piece of advice was about creating a broad orange-white-blue coalition. It was very difficult for Yushchenko to communicate with Yanukovych, but I explained to him that it would be democratic, because the people voted for Yanukovych.

Participation of Boris Nemtsov in the 2007 Duma elections

Released in 2007 Nemtsov's book"Confessions of a Rebel."
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS election list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces came out with harsh criticism of the government headed by Vladimir Putin.
In November 2007, during the election campaign to the State Duma, a number of media outlets published a statement from the first issue of the SPS regional group for Ingushetia, Vakha Evloev, who negatively characterized the activities of Nemtsova:
IN biographies of Nemtsov too many dark spots. This includes an unrepaid state loan of $18 million, which was issued to the Nizhny Novgorod region under the personal guarantees of then-governor Nemtsov. This is also the failure of the housing and communal services reform, for which Nemtsov was responsible while working in the government. This is also the failure of antimonopoly policy, for which Nemtsov was also responsible. This list can be continued indefinitely. And most importantly, people have not forgotten all these achievements of Nemtsov with a minus sign... Now Nemtsov at the head of the Union of Right Forces suddenly began to passionately care about pensioners and the poor. People perceive this combination as a mockery on the part of our party as a whole. This will ruin the party, I don’t want to participate in this dishonest game.
Political scientist Alexander Kynev called this statement a “PR campaign to discredit one of the political parties,” suggesting that it was made under pressure.

In December 2007, the SPS congress put forward Boris Nemtsov candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. As of December 2007, Nemtsov's presidential rating was less than 1 percent of the vote. On December 26, even before the start of the election campaign, he withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the results of the Duma elections in December 2007, candidates for the post of President of Russia, Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov, issued a joint statement. It says in particular:
The “elections” to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation that took place on December 2, 2007 became the most unfree, the most dishonest and the dirtiest in the entire history of post-Soviet Russia.

A number of opposition representatives were not allowed to participate in the elections at all. Those opposition parties that were able to take part in the election campaign were subjected to unprecedented administrative pressure. Confiscation of campaign materials, arrests and beatings of activists, illegal detentions of parliamentary candidates and even the murder of one of them, an organized campaign to discredit the opposition, false Goebbels propaganda in state media, lack of access for opposition parties to federal television channels, restrictions on the work of international observers - all this became the hallmarks of the 2007 election campaign. - we quote an excerpt from the joint statement of Vladimir Bukovsky, Mikhail Kasyanov and Boris Nemtsov
In their statement, Bukovsky and Kasyanov pledged, if one of them wins the presidential election, to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation and to call new elections as soon as possible, which “will be held in accordance with the standards of multi-party democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants." None of these candidates were subsequently allowed to participate in the presidential elections on March 2, 2008.

Self-dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, creation of the Solidarity movement

On February 12, 2008, a presentation of an “independent expert report” took place at the office of the SPS party. Boris Nemtsov co-authored with Vladimir Milov “Putin. Results." On the same day, he announced the suspension of his membership in the Union of Right Forces, refusing to comment on this decision.
On April 5, 2008, in St. Petersburg, he took part in the conference “A New Agenda for the Democratic Movement.”
At the conference, it was decided to begin the creation of a united democratic movement “Solidarity”. became part of the coordination group for the preparation of the first congress of Solidarity; during this work, he took part in the founding conferences of the new movement in Moscow, Irkutsk, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Ufa and other cities.
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party “Right Cause” was created. was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Right Cause a “Kremlin project” and actively tried to convince his party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A minority of former members of the Union of Right Forces, including , refused to participate in the “Right Cause”.

On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
Representatives of the Yabloko party, sharply criticizing Solidarity, stated that it was primarily responsible for the “black PR” against our party during the 2003 State Duma election campaign. We mean the so-called “YABLOKO Movement without Yavlinsky,” memorable to many of us, which appeared about a month before the start of the election campaign and disappeared without a trace after its end.

Nemtsov's participation in the elections for the mayor of Sochi

In March 2009, he announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the elections for the mayor of Sochi. This is the decision Mr. Nemtsov accepted after receiving an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of Sochi.

Russian politician and statesman, governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region (1991-1997), Minister of Fuel and Energy (April-November 1997), Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation (1997-1998), People's Deputy of Russia (1991-1993), Deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation . Killed in the center of Moscow on February 27, 2015. On October 9, 2019, Boris Nemtsov would have turned 60 years old.

In December 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation. In January-May 2000, he was Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation; from May 2000, he was the head of the SPS faction, and was a member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation.

Until the end of his life he was one of the leaders of the opposition.

Late in the evening of February 27, 2015, Nemtsov was killed on the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge in Moscow by several shots at point-blank range. At the time of Nemtsov’s murder, the Ukrainian model Anna Duritskaya was next to him, who at the time of the murder was the only direct eyewitness of the event. After information about the murder appeared, dozens of people began to come to the site of the tragedy with flowers.

On March 3, 2015, a civil memorial service for Boris Nemtsov was held at the Sakharov Center in Moscow, after which the funeral column went to the cemetery. By the time the civil memorial service ended, so many people had come to the Sakharov Center on Zemlyanoy Val that the line stretched 700 meters to the Chkalovskaya metro station. Boris Nemtsov's funeral took place at the Troekurovskoye cemetery in Moscow.

Five people were arrested in the case of the murder of Boris Nemtsov: Zaur Dadaev, Anzor Gubashev, Khamzat Bakhaev, Tamerlan Eskerkhanov and Shagid Gubashev. In addition, the case involves Chechen officers Ruslan Mukhudinov, Ruslan Geremeev and Beslan Shavanov, who was killed during the arrest. On June 29, 2016, all five defendants were found guilty of murdering the politician. Details of the investigation and trial are presented in the certificate “Chechen trace in the murder of Nemtsov”.

Boris Nemtsov and the Chechen war

During the First Chechen War, Boris Nemtsov, as the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, many of whose soldiers died during the assault on Grozny, took an openly anti-war position. According to the producer of the documentary film about Nemtsov, “A Very Free Man,” Yevgeny Gindilis, this was the most acute conflict between Nemtsov and Boris Yeltsin in the entire history of their relationship.

In January 1995, Nemtsov, without coordinating his trip with Moscow, flew to Chechnya, to the Russian base in Mozdok and Khasavyurt, to bring food, gifts, awards to soldiers from the Nizhny Novgorod region, and also to discuss the ransom of a captured Russian officer from Nizhny Novgorod. A film crew flew with him - journalist Nina Zvereva with a cameraman, who filmed a report in Khasavyurt about ordinary soldiers who had just completed the young fighter course and ended up in Chechnya: “We filmed, we went into the dugout. This is a famous report. It was recently posted on the Internet and another hundred thousand people viewed it, although this is the beginning of 1995. I have never seen anything like this in my life. And he [Nemtsov] suddenly said to me: “Well done.”

At the beginning of 1996, on the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, a collection of signatures was carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were transferred to President Yeltsin. According to Nemtsov’s recollections, Yeltsin was offended then: “He was very angry, but did not do anything to me. The only thing was that he turned off the direct telephone line with him.”

Participation in the elections of the mayor of Sochi

On the eve of the elections, Nemtsov, together with Vladimir Milov, presented a report “Sochi and the Olympics”. The main conclusion that the authors made is that the Olympics need to be decentralized, or be prepared to lose the right to host it

On the day of his nomination, Nemtsov wrote in his LiveJournal: “In terms of the scale of problems and significance, Sochi is currently the second city after Moscow. So the work of the mayor is work at the federal level. I am grateful to my colleagues from Solidarity, who unanimously supported my candidacy I see my main task as mayor to be protecting Sochi residents from the corruption and investment banditry going on here.

About the Olympics. Having carefully studied the situation, I come to a clear conclusion: the Winter Olympics in a subtropical resort is a large-scale adventure and scam. Can you imagine what hockey stadiums and skating fields will turn into when the Olympics are over? What will happen to the Western Caucasus Nature Reserve in preparation for the Olympics? What scale will the transport collapse be in a city that already today is experiencing an extreme shortage of roads?

My position. Sochi will maintain the status of the Olympic capital by holding the opening and closing of the Olympics there, as well as competitions in alpine skiing, bobsleigh and ski jumping. The remaining competitions will be held in other cities. Hockey, figure skating and skating - in Moscow, St. Petersburg or Yaroslavl, biathlon and skiing in Kolomna or Khanty-Mansiysk. The possibility of decentralization is provided for in the Olympic Charter and will be implemented at the Winter Olympics in Vancouver in 2010. This decision will allow us to preserve Sochi as the last subtropical resort, avoid an environmental and transport catastrophe, create a European-class ski resort in Russia, promote winter sports in the country and, most importantly, host the Olympics with dignity and without losses in the future.”

First place in the elections was taken by United Russia representative Anatoly Pakhomov, gaining 76.8 percent of the votes. Nemtsov received more than 13 percent, finishing second.

According to the Union of Right Forces, these data came into serious conflict with the exit polls data collected by Nemtsov’s headquarters published the day before. As the head of the candidate’s campaign headquarters, Ilya Yashin, reported in his blog, according to the results of a survey of voters leaving polling stations, Pakhomov received about 46 percent of the vote. According to his headquarters, approximately 35 percent of Sochi residents voted for Nemtsov.

The elections were accompanied by scandals. In particular, unknown persons doused Nemtsov with water and ammonia during one of his speeches.

The Sochi police arrested his campaign materials and detained activists from his headquarters.

On May 30, 2013, Nemtsov, together with a member of the Solidarity movement, presented a new report, “Winter Olympics in the subtropics.”

“The Winter Olympics in Sochi is Putin’s personal project... It is more and more obvious that the Sochi Olympics is an unprecedented thieves’ scam in which both representatives of Putin’s government and oligarchs close to it are involved... In fact, the Olympics highlighted in a concentrated form the main flaws of the system : arbitrariness, corruption, tyranny, clannishness, unprofessionalism, irresponsibility."

As Nemtsov reported in his LiveJournal, the report was prepared for six months and was published in a small edition of 5,000 copies. “Nevertheless, we believe that the report should be available not only online, but also offline. Therefore, we plan to publish an additional edition of the report and distribute it in Russian cities,” Nemtsov wrote.

Nemtsov Bridge

Within an hour after the murder, people began to come to the bridge. After Boris Nemtsov’s body was removed and the cordon was lifted, flowers began to be left at the scene of the murder. On the afternoon of February 28 there was already a mountain of flowers here, as well as large quantities photographs of the deceased, posters, icons, lamps, Russian flags with mourning ribbons. The memorial stretches for more than 120 meters (the entire length of the parapet towards Vasilievsky Spusk).

In the very first days after the murder, a proposal appeared to rename the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge to Nemtsov Bridge, but it was not accepted by the authorities. Later this name was transferred to the spontaneous memorial that arose on the bridge. At first, there was no systematic vigil at the memorial. The first clean-up day to care for the memorial took place a week after the murder, and on the clean-up day on March 21, several dozen people already worked (according to some estimates, up to a hundred).

Constant and round-the-clock duty arose on the night of March 28-29. The reason for this was multiple organized attacks on the memorial. In general, the history of the memorial on the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge is the history of its destruction by “Gormost” and ideological opponents. They were especially frequent in the first months of 2016 - from the New Year to May 9, the memorial was completely destroyed twelve times.

The center of the memorial is located directly on the spot where B.E. Nemtsov was killed. A minute of silence is held every day at 11:31 p.m. Since March 28, 2015, the memorial watch on the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge has not been interrupted, except for cases when the duty officers were removed by force (for example, during public events). A website dedicated to Boris Nemtsov and the work of the memorial has been created: https://nemtsov-most.org.

Notes

1. Biography of Boris Nemtsov // RIA Novosti, 02.28.2015.
2. Execution at the Kremlin: Boris Nemtsov was killed in Moscow // RBC, 02.28.2015.
3. Residents of Moscow brought flowers to the place of Nemtsov’s death // Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 02/28/2015.
4. Personal stories of Prokhorov, Friedman, Navalny, Khakamada about Nemtsov, which were not included in the film “Too Free a Man.” Special broadcast on the second anniversary of the murder of Boris Nemtsov // Rain, 02.27.2017.
5. What do you remember about Boris Nemtsov? // AiF, 02.28.2015.
6. "Too free a man." What we learned from the film biography of Boris Nemtsov // Medusa, 02/07/2017.
7. Yeltsin’s friend, Putin’s enemy: what mark Boris Nemtsov left in politics // RBC, 02/28/2015.
8. How Boris Nemtsov collected a million signatures in 1996 // Topic of the day, 12/26/2000.
9. GUEST Boris Nemtsov // Echo of Moscow, 12/27/2002.
10. Nemtsov B.E. Confessions of a rebel. M., 2007. pp. 129-130.
11. Nemtsov and Milov presented a report on the Olympiad // Website of the Union of Right Forces, 04/13/2009.
12. Sochi. Mayoral elections // Boris Nemtsov, Live Journal, 05/30/2013.
13. Pakhomov gains 76.86% and wins the election for mayor of Sochi in the first round // RIA Novosti, 04/27/2009.
14. Nemtsov lost the election for mayor of Sochi // SPS website, 04/27/2009.
15. The first scandal in the mayoral elections of Sochi. Boris Nemtsov was doused with ammonia // Obshchaya Gazeta, 03/23/2009.
16. Sochi police arrested Nemtsov’s propaganda leaflets // RIA Novosti, 04.04.2009.
17. An activist from Nemtsov’s election headquarters was detained in Adler // Kommersant, 04/09/2009.
18. Nemtsov presented a report on corruption during the preparation of the Olympics in Sochi // Forbes, 05/30/2013.
19. Winter Olympics in the subtropics. Independent expert report by Boris Nemtsov and Leonid Martynyuk. Moscow, 2013 // Putin. Results.
20. Winter Olympics in the subtropics // Boris Nemtsov. LiveJournal, 05/30/2013.
21. Here and further: Nemtsov Bridge: memorialization and conflict of interests // Gefter.ru website, 01/09/2017

MOSCOW, February 28 – RIA Novosti. Russian politician Boris Nemtsov, who formerly held a number of high positions in the Russian government and then joined the opposition, was killed in the center of Moscow on Saturday night.

The investigation is considering all versions of Nemtsov’s death, including contract killing, said Yulia Ivanova, a representative of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation.

Below is a biographical note.

Since 1967 he lived in the city of Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod).

In 1981 he graduated from the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. N.I. Lobachevsky.

In 1985 he defended his dissertation and received the degree of Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences

In 1981-1990, he was a researcher at the Gorky Research Institute of Radiophysics.

In 1990 he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR, a member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.

In September 1991, he was appointed representative of the President of Russia in the Nizhny Novgorod region, and in December 1991, head of the regional administration (governor).

In December 1993, he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation. He was a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, money issue, tax policy and customs regulation.

In 1995, he won the election for governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region and entered the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation.

From March to December 1997, Nemtsov was simultaneously the Minister of Fuel and Energy of the Russian Federation and was Deputy Chairman of the Russian Government Commission on Operational Issues.

In March 1998, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed as part of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin.

Since April 1998, he took the post of Deputy Prime Minister in the government of Sergei Kiriyenko; in August 1998, he submitted his resignation, which was accepted by President Boris Yeltsin.

Since September 1998, he was deputy head of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation.

In 1999, he became the chairman of the socio-political movement “Young Russia”, one of the leaders of the “Right Cause” coalition, then one of the leaders of the “Union of Right Forces” (SPS).

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation. In January-May 2000, he was Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation; from May 2000, he was the head of the SPS faction, and was a member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation.

In May 2001, at the founding congress of the Union of Right Forces party, Nemtsov was elected chairman of the political council of this party, which united members of the SPS movement and the majority of members of Democratic Russia and Democratic Choice of Russia, which dissolved themselves on the eve of the congress. Later he became co-chairman of the SPS party. In January 2004, he resigned as co-chairman of the party, remaining its ordinary member.

In January 2004, he became one of the founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Freedom of Choice”.

In 2004-2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Neftyanoy concern.

From February 2005 to October 2006 - freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.

The SPS congress nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. However, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.

In February 2008, he suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces.

On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.

The Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, Sochi. In the mayoral elections of Sochi, held on April 26, 2009, Boris Nemtsov took second place, receiving 13.6% of the vote.

In 2010, Nemtsov co-founded the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption."

In 2012, he was elected co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - People's Freedom Party" (RPR-PARNAS).

28.02.2015 01:16

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According to Head of the Moscow branch of RPR-Parnas Ilya Yashin, an unknown person shot Nemtsov 4 times in the back. “I can say that he was walking across the bridge with his girlfriend. A car stopped, a man got out and fired four shots,” Yashin told RBC. Later official representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Elena Alekseeva reported that six shell casings were found at the crime scene. Nemtsov will be buried on March 3 at the Troekurovskoye cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Nemtsov. year 2014. Photo: RIA Novosti / Sergey Kuznetsov

Dossier

Russian politician, statesman and public figure, businessman. Member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity". Co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." People's Deputy of the RSFSR and member of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. Former Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. Deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd convocation, ex-governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. Former member of the Council of the Federation of the Russian Federation, former Deputy Prime Minister and First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation.

Awards

• Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (1995)- for services to the state related to the completion of the first stage of voucher privatization.
• Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, 1st degree (1996)- an award from the Russian Orthodox Church for his contribution to state building. Makarov award pistol.
• Medal “For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth” (2001).
• Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, V degree (2006)— for a significant personal contribution to the development of international cooperation, strengthening the authority and positive image of Ukraine in the world, popularizing its historical and modern achievements.
• Honorary Badge of the Legislative Assembly of the Nizhny Novgorod Region “For Merit” (2009).

Education

In 1981 he graduated with honors from the radiophysics department of Gorky State University named after N.I. Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle taught Vilen Yakovlevich Eidman. Four years later, in 1985, Nemtsov defended his dissertation on the topic “Coherent effects of interaction of moving sources with radiation,” becoming a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences.

Boris Nemtsov. 1993 Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov

Childhood and early years

Boris Efimovich was born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi into a family Efim Davidovich Nemtsov And Dina Yakovlevna Eidman. According to some reports, my father worked as a head at the Glavsochipedstroy SMU, and then in a high position in the relevant ministry. According to other sources, Efim Davidovich was the head of the main department in the Ministry of Oil and Gas Industry. Dina Yakovlevna was a pediatrician. Boris was not yet eight years old when his parents divorced and Dina Yakovlevna, along with her son and daughter Yulia (Nemtsov’s sister), moved to Gorky. According to Nemtsov’s recollections, they lived poorly and then he had a passionate dream of breaking out of poverty.

Despite his parents’ divorce, Nemtsov communicated a lot with his father, who helped the family financially and often took his son to Moscow.

After graduating from school (with a gold medal), Nemtsov entered the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. After successfully graduating from university, Nemtsov came to work at the Gorky Research Radiophysical Institute of the Ministry of Higher Education of the RSFSR (NIRFI), where he was first a researcher, then a senior researcher. At that time, Nemtsov worked part-time as an English tutor. He tried his hand at literature, writing poetry and stories under the pseudonym Ben Eidman.

Political career

During the 1990 election campaign, Nemtsov participated in the creation of the Candidates for Democracy association, won the elections and became a people's deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky national-territorial district. He was a member of the deputy groups “Smena”, “Non-Party Deputies”, “Russian Union”. In March 1990, he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR for the Gorky national-territorial district, was a member of the Reform Coalition bloc and the Left Center - Cooperation faction. During the same period, Nemtsov appeared in the media as a representative of the Russian Christian Democratic Movement (RCDM). According to some sources, Nemtsov left this organization in 1993, according to others, he suspended his participation back in 1991.

Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government, Chairman of the State Property Committee of the Russian Federation Anatoly Chubais and Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region Boris Nemtsov at the XVIII Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. 1993 Photo: RIA Novosti / Boris Babanov

In 1991, Nemtsov acted as a confidant of the candidate for the post Russian President Boris Yeltsin in the Nizhny Novgorod region during the elections of the head of state. On June 12, 1991, Yeltsin was elected the first president of Russia. In August of the same year, Nemtsov, while on vacation with his family in Moscow, took part in the defense of the White House, after which he was appointed presidential representative in the Nizhny Novgorod region. In the fall of 1991, Nemtsov was delegated to the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, where he became a member of the legislation committee.

As governor, Boris Efimovich criticized the economic program Yegor Gaidar and in December 1991 invited him to the Nizhny Novgorod region Grigory Yavlinsky to organize economic reform of the region. From May to November 1992, the Epicenter, headed by Yavlinsky, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, developed a program of regional reforms.

In December 1993, Governor Nemtsov was elected by residents of the Nizhny Novgorod region to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, and in February 1994 he became a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, money issue, tax policy and customs regulation. In December 1995, Nemtsov again became governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, having been elected head of the regional administration. At that time, Nemtsov had a reputation as a progressive reformer, whose experience in structural restructuring of the economy of a particular region was recommended by the government to be implemented everywhere.

At the beginning of 1996, on the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, a collection of signatures was carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were transferred to President Yeltsin.

Nemtsov during his governorship was also remembered by Russians as a media character thanks to an altercation on ORT live television with LDPR leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky, during which the latter doused his opponent with mango juice.

In the same year, Nemtsov, as governor, again became a member of the Federation Council, where he took the post of deputy chairman of the committee on issues social policy, the initiative group nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.

In March 1997, Nemtsov was asked to leave the post of governor and become the first deputy prime minister of the Viktor Chernomyrdin government of the Russian Federation. On March 17, 1997, he was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. As First Deputy Prime Minister, Nemtsov was entrusted with overseeing the social block, housing and communal services and construction, control over natural monopolies and antimonopoly policy.

After the reorganization of the government in the spring of 1998, headed by Sergey Kiriyenko, Nemtsov, with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, oversaw the financial and economic block. In August 1998, after the default and subsequent resignation of the cabinet of ministers headed by Kiriyenko, Nemtsov was appointed acting Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.

Conference of the Right Cause coalition. Presidium. Boris Nemtsov, Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government of the Russian Federation, speaks on a voluntary basis. 1999 Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Rodionov

After his resignation, Nemtsov created the Young Russia movement. In August 1999, the movement joined the Union of Right Forces electoral bloc.

On March 1, 2000, Boris Efimovich was elected deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the faction "Union of Right Forces".

In May 2000, when Kiriyenko, who was the head of the Union of Right Forces faction in the State Duma, left for civil service, taking the post of plenipotentiary representative of President Vladimir Putin in the Volga Federal District, Nemtsov became the leader of the bloc faction, and the place of vice speaker from the Union of Right Forces strength” was taken by Irina Khakamada. In May 2001, the founding congress of the party took place, at which Nemtsov was elected one of the five chairmen of the federal political council.

In December 2003, representatives of the Union of Right Forces did not get into the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation. And already on January 20, 2004, Nemtsov resigned along with other co-chairs of the political council, explaining this situation as a consequence of failure in the parliamentary elections. However, the congress of the Union of Right Forces re-elected all former co-chairs to the party’s federal political council, despite the fact that Nemtsov announced his intention to become an ordinary member of the party even before the congress. But the very next month, at a meeting of the political council, four secretaries of the political council were elected, who formed the technical presidium of the party for the period until the election of a new leader. Nemtsov was not included in the leadership of the Union of Right Forces. In the same month, Boris Efimovich was elected chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern.

Meeting of Russian President Vladimir Putin with the leader of the Duma faction of the SPS Boris Nemtsov. year 2000. Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Fedorenko

Even before resigning from the post of co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov was one of the founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Free Choice”, headed by chess player Garry Kasparov. The goal of the organization was to consolidate all liberal forces on one platform.

In the fall of 2004, Boris took part in protests on Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv. After election Victor Yushchenko President of Ukraine, the politician welcomed the victory of the Ukrainian “right” and expressed his readiness to support them in their desire to extend the experience of the “Orange Revolution” to Russia. In February 2005, Nemtsov was appointed freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine, which he remained until October 2006.

In May 2005, he became the leader of the Union of Right Forces Nikita Belykh, according to some reports, his candidacy was proposed by Nemtsov.

In March 2007, Boris Efimovich gave a positive assessment of the results of the Union of Right Forces in the simultaneous elections held earlier that month in 14 Russian regions (the party was able to overcome the 7% threshold in six of nine regions; in the remaining five regions, the party lists were removed by local election commissions even before voting). In September 2007, the congress approved the list of candidates for the State Duma elections from the Union of Right Forces; Nemtsov was among the top three candidates on the list. However, in the elections of December 2, 2007, the party gained only 0.96% and Nemtsov did not become a State Duma deputy. Although it was even planned to nominate him as a candidate in the presidential elections from the Union of Right Forces.

On December 17, 2007, Belykh at the congress of the Union of Right Forces announced that he was resigning as head of the party’s federal political council, since he considered himself responsible for its defeat in the elections to the State Duma. At the same time, the entire composition of the party’s federal political council, including Nemtsov, resigned. However, at the same time, at the congress, Nemtsov, like most of the leaders of the “union of right-wing forces” who announced their resignation, was re-elected to the new political council of the party. On the same day, the congress nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. On December 22, Boris successfully passed the first stage of registering his candidacy, but four days later he announced that he was abandoning the fight for the post of President of the Russian Federation, since the outcome of the elections was predetermined. He also called on Kasyanov and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov to follow his example, so as not to give legitimacy to the presidential campaign by their participation in it.

On February 12, 2008, Nemtsov announced that he had suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces. The politician refused to comment on his decision, but clarified that he intends to continue to cooperate with the party.

In September 2008, it became known that the Union of Right Forces would soon join the new Right Cause party. However, the day before, Nemtsov almost derailed these plans: at the last congress of the Union of Right Forces, he announced the withdrawal of his statement on the suspension of party membership. The politician offered to take responsibility for the party and its financing if his comrades decide not to dissolve the organization. But the party still ceased to exist.

Boris Nemtsov. 2007 Photo: RIA Novosti / Ilya Pitalev

On December 14, 2008, the founding congress of the new opposition movement “Solidarity” took place in Khimki near Moscow. Nemtsov and Kasparov became the de facto leaders of Solidarity; Denis Bilunov became the head of the executive committee the following year.

In March 2009, the Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, Sochi. The elections for the mayor of Sochi took place on April 26, 2009. According to the voting results, Nemtsov took second place, losing to candidate from United Russia Anatoly Pakhomov. Boris tried to challenge the election results, but in June 2009 the Central District Court of Sochi rejected his claim, and in August this decision was confirmed by the Krasnodar Regional Court.

In July 2009, Nemtsov headed the Solidarity headquarters for the elections to the Moscow City Duma, but by the beginning of September all candidates from the movement were denied registration, and according to the results of the elections themselves, held on October 11, 2009, 32 of the 35 Moscow City Duma mandates were received by party representatives "United Russia".

September 16, 2010 Nemtsov together with Mikhail Kasyanov,Vladimir Milov And Vladimir Ryzhkov announced the creation of an opposition coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption.” On its basis, it was decided to create a political party to participate in presidential and parliamentary elections. It was established in December 2010 as the People's Freedom Party (PARNAS). In May 2011, Nemtsov, together with the co-chairs of the People's Freedom Party, submitted documents to the Ministry of Justice for its registration. On June 22 of the same year it became known that PARNAS was denied registration. The reason for the refusal was cited by the Ministry of Justice as the presence among party members of “ dead souls“- minors and those who died before the party congress in December 2010, as well as the absence of a clause on the rotation of leaders in the party charter. PARNAS leaders tried to appeal this decision of the Ministry of Justice, but they were unsuccessful.

In December 2010, Nemtsov, Milov and Ryzhkov filed a lawsuit in the Savyolovsky Court of Moscow against Prime Minister Putin and VGTRK for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation. The reason for the lawsuit was a statement made in the television program “Conversations with Vladimir Putin the official's answer to the question of what Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Milov really want.

The plaintiffs estimated the moral damage caused by Putin's response at one million rubles. However, in February 2011, the oppositionists' claim was denied.

Boris Nemtsov and Irina Khakamada. 2010 Photo: RIA Novosti / Ruslan Krivobok

December 31, 2010 Boris Efimovich and his Solidarity comrade Ilya Yashin were detained on Triumfalnaya Square after speaking at a rally, the holding of which was agreed upon with the capital authorities. By decision of the Tverskoy District Court, they were sentenced to fifteen and five days of arrest, respectively, for disobeying police demands. The court refused to satisfy Nemtsov’s appeal against the arrest decision, and the politician served his arrest until January 15, 2011, despite pickets in support of Nemtsov and Yashin near the building of the Russian Presidential Administration.

On December 10, 2011, Nemtsov took part in a mass opposition rally, whose participants in different cities of Russia spoke out against the falsification of the parliamentary elections on December 4, 2011. Boris was also preparing for the next rally, which was to take place on December 24, 2011. On December 19, Life News published on its website recordings of Nemtsov’s personal telephone conversations, in which Boris spoke impartially about Evgenia Chirikova, Bozene Rynska, Alexey Navalny and, in general, about the visitors to the rally on December 10, calling the latter “hamsters.” The next day, Nemtsov apologized to those who might have been offended by his words and suggested that they had organized a “leak” of conversations by the authorities, who thereby wanted to disrupt the protest on December 24.

After a split in the Union of Right Forces and the entry of the Solidarity movement into the coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption,” in 2012 he took the post of co-chairman of the political party “Republican Party of Russia - People’s Freedom Party” (RPR-PARNAS). In the regional elections of 2013, he was elected to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the list of the RPR-Parnas party. In the Yaroslavl Regional Duma, Nemtsov joined the committee on budget, taxes and finance, and the committee on legislation, issues of state power, and local government.

In 2014, he declared himself as a supporter of the Kyiv “Maidan”, sharply criticizing Russia’s policy towards Ukraine in the future. On March 1, 2015, I was going to take part in the permitted protest march of the opposition “Spring”.

Boris Nemtsov with his wife and daughter Zhanna. 1994 Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov

Personal life

Boris Efimovich was married. However, according to some reports, he and his wife Raisa Akhmetovna have lived separately in recent years. Raisa Akhmetovna is a librarian and also worked as an investor in the stock market. From this marriage, Nemtsov has a daughter, Zhanna (born in 1984); she studied at MGIMO’s master’s program with a degree in management. In 2005, as a self-nominated candidate, she stood for election to the Moscow City Duma in the 3rd single-mandate district of the capital. Despite support from five political parties, Zhanna lost the election.

In his free time, Nemtsov loved to play tennis, which he had been doing since 1979. He enjoyed driving and, according to some sources, was fond of windsurfing.

MOSCOW, February 28 – RIA Novosti. Russian politician Boris Nemtsov, who formerly held a number of high positions in the Russian government and then joined the opposition, was killed in the center of Moscow on Saturday night.

The investigation is considering all versions of Nemtsov’s death, including contract killing, said Yulia Ivanova, a representative of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation.

Below is a biographical note.

Since 1967 he lived in the city of Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod).

In 1981 he graduated from the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. N.I. Lobachevsky.

In 1985 he defended his dissertation and received the degree of Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences

In 1981-1990, he was a researcher at the Gorky Research Institute of Radiophysics.

In 1990 he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR, a member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.

In September 1991, he was appointed representative of the President of Russia in the Nizhny Novgorod region, and in December 1991, head of the regional administration (governor).

In December 1993, he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the first convocation. He was a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, money issue, tax policy and customs regulation.

In 1995, he won the election for governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region and entered the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation.

From March to December 1997, Nemtsov was simultaneously the Minister of Fuel and Energy of the Russian Federation and was Deputy Chairman of the Russian Government Commission on Operational Issues.

In March 1998, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation, he was dismissed as part of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin.

Since April 1998, he took the post of Deputy Prime Minister in the government of Sergei Kiriyenko; in August 1998, he submitted his resignation, which was accepted by President Boris Yeltsin.

Since September 1998, he was deputy head of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation.

In 1999, he became the chairman of the socio-political movement “Young Russia”, one of the leaders of the “Right Cause” coalition, then one of the leaders of the “Union of Right Forces” (SPS).

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation. In January-May 2000, he was Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the third convocation; from May 2000, he was the head of the SPS faction, and was a member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation.

In May 2001, at the founding congress of the Union of Right Forces party, Nemtsov was elected chairman of the political council of this party, which united members of the SPS movement and the majority of members of Democratic Russia and Democratic Choice of Russia, which dissolved themselves on the eve of the congress. Later he became co-chairman of the SPS party. In January 2004, he resigned as co-chairman of the party, remaining its ordinary member.

In January 2004, he became one of the founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Freedom of Choice”.

In 2004-2005 - Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Neftyanoy concern.

From February 2005 to October 2006 - freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.

The SPS congress nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. However, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.

In February 2008, he suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces.

On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.

The Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, Sochi. In the mayoral elections of Sochi, held on April 26, 2009, Boris Nemtsov took second place, receiving 13.6% of the vote.

In 2010, Nemtsov co-founded the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption."

In 2012, he was elected co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - People's Freedom Party" (RPR-PARNAS).