Boris Efimovich Nemtsov (born October 9, 1959, Sochi) is a Russian politician, statesman and public figure, businessman. Deputy Prime Minister of Russia in 1997–1998. One of the leaders of the opposition United Democratic Movement "Solidarity".
Born into the family of the deputy head of the construction department, Efim Davydovich Nemtsov (b. 1925), and pediatrician, Honored Doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Eidman (b. 1928).
We have little choice: either agree with the authorities about friendship and love, or pay for everything with money.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
He studied in Gorky, where he received secondary and higher education. In 1976 he entered the radiophysics department of Gorkovsky state university them. N.I. Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle Vilen Yakovlevich Eidman taught. Nemtsov’s cousin, Vilen Eidman’s son, Igor Eidman, also studied at Gorky University and moved to Moscow in 1997.
Then he worked in research institutes. He worked on problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985, in collaboration with Uncle Nemtsov, he wrote the article “Precursor and lateral waves when pulses are reflected from the interface between two media.”
In 1985, he defended his dissertation and received the degree of Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences (topic: “Coherent effects of interaction of moving sources with radiation”). He worked part-time as an English tutor.
The attempt to turn Yeltsin into Clinton and Zyuganov into Monica Lewinsky failed
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
In March 1990, he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR.
During the Russian Presidential elections in 1991, Boris Nemtsov was Boris Yeltsin's confidant for the Nizhny Novgorod region.
In 1991, Yeltsin appointed Boris Nemtsov as Plenipotentiary Representative of the President Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
On November 28, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on the appointment of Nemtsov as head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. In December of the same year, Nemtsov was appointed governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region.
A more compromise option: reducing the increase.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
In 1993, Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council; his election campaign, as the Kommersant newspaper wrote, was financed by a businessman with a prison past, Andrei Klimentyev.
In 1994, the Bank of New York transferred $2 million to the Nizhegorodets bank in the Nizhny Novgorod region; an American banker of Russian origin, Natalya Gurfinkel-Kagalovskaya, was responsible for the operation.
The transfer was declared erroneous, but Nizhegorodets Bank, which was in a state of bankruptcy, used this money and paid creditors with it.
Wherever I am, it feels like Chubais is sitting at the table.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
The US Embassy in Russia turned to Nemtsov, who, according to the Prosecutor General's Office, instructed the director of the large Nizhny Novgorod state-owned enterprise Nizhpoligraf to take out a loan of $3.5 million from an Inkombank branch secured by his new administrative building, which, being federal property, was not subject to privatization. However, thanks to the actions of Anatoly Chubais, who was then the head of the State Property Committee, the deal was carried out.
Of the loan received, according to investigators, $2 million was transferred to the Bank of New York. However, the loan was not repaid, and the mortgaged building became the property of Inkombank.
At the beginning of 1998, a criminal case was opened regarding the illegal alienation of federal property, and investigators interrogated Nemtsov. In 1997, Nemtsov’s former adviser with a criminal record, Andrei Klimentyev, said at a new trial that Nemtsov first asked him to pay the Bank of New York a $2 million debt.
The communists cynically said that they would not accept anything, and so that we would understand everything to the end, instead of an anti-crisis program, they voted for the law on beekeeping in July last year.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
However, since Klimentyev did not have free money, Nemtsov turned to Nizhpoligraf. Rossiyskaya Gazeta wrote in 2003 that the value of the mortgaged building is 10 times higher than the mortgage and “Boris Nemtsov’s scam could cost the state $30–40 million.”
According to the business publication Kommersant, Nemtsov’s election campaign for the elections to the Federation Council was financed by the previously convicted Andrei Klimentyev, whom Nemtsov had known since the 1980s.
Klimentyev spent 100 million rubles on Nemtsov and another candidate. Klimentyev entered Nemtsov’s inner circle, becoming his advisor. As Nezavisimaya Gazeta wrote, “Klimentyev was not only a friend and adviser to Governor Boris Nemtsov for a long time, but was actually the main Nizhny Novgorod businessman who largely determined Nemtsov’s economic policy.”
For 70 years, Russia stood on one leg - the left. Now she has a full-fledged right leg - SPS. And Unity, since they call themselves centrists, is probably in the middle.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
On January 20, 1994, the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant Oka, which was state-owned at that time, entered into a loan agreement in the amount of $30 million.
Part of the loan in the amount of $18 million was transferred to the plant for targeted expenses, and the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region became the guarantor for repayment of the loan. In the summer of 1994, during privatization, Klimentyev bought a 30 percent stake in the Oka plant, and in January 1995 he joined the board of directors of the plant.
The regional administration did not exercise control over the spending of the loan allocated to the plant and part of the funds was spent inappropriately. At the beginning of 1995, on the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, the Prosecutor's Office opened a criminal case against Andrei Klimentyev, Boris Nemtsov acted as a prosecution witness in court.
Our democracy has the same relation to real democracy as a man has to a eunuch.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
Klimentyev and plant director Kislyakov were found guilty of embezzling $2 million 462 thousand, but the verdict was then overturned by the Supreme Court, which completely acquitted the businessmen.
In 1998, Klimentyev was tried again in this case, found guilty, and he was sentenced to six years in prison. According to Vladimir Semago, who headed the State Duma commission, Nemtsov himself was actually to blame for the thefts.
Klimentyev, in turn, accused Boris Nemtsov of receiving and extorting bribes, also stating that the criminal case was revenge on Nemtsov’s part. So, according to Klimentyev, Nemtsov asked him to pay the American Bank of New York a debt of $2 million for the Nizhegorodets bank, expecting to receive $400 thousand from the transfer.
He spoke at the factory, okay in my opinion, at the university. There, in the corridor next to him, a girl kept rubbing herself all the time, and a pretty girl at that. She didn't just stand next to him - she touched him all the time. Mikhail Sergeevich began to get very embarrassed, fidget and look at me with hope.
(about Gorbachev)
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
In addition, as Klimentyev stated, Nemtsov wanted to receive $800 thousand for helping the plant obtain a loan. Nemtsov himself called Klimentyev’s accusations slander. As Alexander Prudnik, a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote, Klimentyev’s arrest “can be considered the first experience in Russia in introducing penitentiary technologies into the political, electoral reality.”
Since 1992, young businessman Boris Brevnov, whom Nemtsov himself later described as a “talented person,” began working as Nemtsov’s economic adviser.
In March 1992, Yegor Gaidar signed a government order allowing Nemtsov to create a conversion fund. The money transferred to this fund went to the account of the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House, a commercial bank created with public funds. In the same year, Brevnov, with Nemtsov’s permission, became chairman of the bank’s board.
He called the car, which surprised my driver and scared him to death. The driver jumped out from behind the wheel and said: “The president is calling, I foolishly asked: what other president?”
(about Yeltsin)
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
In 1997, Brevnov was elected chairman of its board of directors. The bank established a subsidiary, Region LLC, whose owner was Brevnov. According to the head of the State Duma working commission, Vladimir Semago, significant amounts were transferred to Region LLC.
The bank was involved in the case of embezzlement of a state loan to the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant "Oka". As I wrote Chief Editor newspaper "Promyshlennye Vedomosti" Moses Gelman, "Nemtsov and Brevnov's manipulation of budget money, among other things, led to the collapse of the Navashinsky shipbuilding plant itself, and, consequently, to unemployment in this city."
In 1992, Nemtsov, in his own words, introduced Brevnov to US citizen Gretchen Wilson, an employee of the International Finance Corporation. In 1997, Brevnov and Wilson got married.
The President and Vice President must be of different sexes. And also they should not live together.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
As Novaya Gazeta wrote, Wilson, with the help of Nemtsov, “privatized the largest Balakhninsky paper mill for only seven million dollars (the real price of the unique mill exceeds this price tens of times).
They sucked everything possible out of the plant and subsequently destroyed it, creating unbearable conditions for the workers.” The Balakhninsky plant was purchased for $7 million by the American bank CS First Boston (whose Moscow branch was headed by Boris Jordan).
Andrei Klimentyev, who was previously an adviser to Nemtsov, said that the plant’s annual turnover was $250 million, and the CS First Boston bank later organized Nemtsov’s trips to Davos, Switzerland. In his book “Confession of a Rebel,” Nemtsov called Wilson “a very smart woman” who “did a lot for the Nizhny Novgorod region.”
The “Dolls” program, I think, was done with talent. The fact that I’m a freak there doesn’t upset me at all, although my mother worries all the time. I explain to her: this is not Nemtsov, but a doll.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
Later, when Nemtsov went to work for the Russian government, Brevnov, under his patronage, became chairman of the board of RAO UES of Russia.
In December 1995, in elections in the Nizhny Novgorod region, Boris Nemtsov was elected governor for a second term. The Kommersant newspaper wrote that in 1995, Boris Nemtsov “gained great fame as a reformer,” whose experience in structural restructuring of the economy of a particular region the government recommended to be implemented everywhere.
In the spring of 1996, the initiative group nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.
Putin, of course, is a cool guy. But he is not as Russian as Yeltsin. He will never hug you by the shoulder and say: “Bory, I’ve drunk a tank of vodka in my entire life.”
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
At the beginning of 1996, on the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, a collection of signatures was carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were transferred to President Yeltsin.
In 1996, in a publication edited by Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Tatyana Zaslavskaya, the opinion of the chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities of the Russian Federation Olga Senatova was published. O. Senatova characterized the regime formed under Nemtsov’s governorship as authoritarian.
According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994 he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which hindered the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controllable legislative authority - more than 60%, according to Senatova, it consisted of functionaries of the executive branch of all levels.
Reforms begin where the money ends.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
According to O. Senatova, “the displacement of structures and individuals from local politics led to an inadequately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents on the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities forced out of local politics were “rushing” to the federal level.
Nemtsov was patronized by the federal center, which greatly contributed to the influx of investment into the region. According to O. Senatova, Nemtsov provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (the Aroko company, the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House bank of Boris Brevnov, etc.), while at the same time complicating the activities of strangers or independent small companies.
According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of the “propaganda machine” ensured Nemtsov’s high popularity among the population.
Boris Nikolaevich had values in his head. There were only two of them, but they were fundamental. The first value was that freedom is better than bondage and democracy is better than communism. Second, private initiative is better than state democracy.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation Sergei Borisov, in his study “The current political regime in the Nizhny Novgorod region: Formation in the 1990s,” calls one of the “most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime” the formation around Nemtsov by the end of 1993 of “an informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, elite corporations": the executive and legislative branches of government, local "security officials", entrepreneurs and media executives.
Borisov noted the following features characteristic of the regime of regional authoritarianism:
* “dominance of the executive power over the representative power at all levels”;
* “the predominance of the principle of corporatism in the code of conduct of subjects of political relations”;
* “allowing the authorities to strengthen other centers of economic and political influence within strictly controlled limits”;
* “direct or indirect control over regional media, primarily electronic”;
* “a stable contract with the central government, including formal and informal guarantees of mutual loyalty”;
* “widespread use of populist tools in relations with the population.”
As Borisov wrote, “in the very set of indicated features of the regime of regional authoritarianism, the Nizhny Novgorod region was no exception.” According to Borisov, a liberal-populist version of such a regime was implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
I don't look like a condom!
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration of Governor Nemtsov, but their possible strengthening was under close attention and limited, as Sergei Borisov wrote, using a wide variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of government were also pushed back by the governor's administration from the epicenter of the political process.
At the same time, as Borisov writes, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by “an atmosphere of a certain tolerance.” The governor’s political competitors were pushed to the periphery of public life not through bureaucratic pressure, but through methods of public policy.
A study by Sergei Borisov states that during the period of Boris Nemtsov’s governorship, the Nizhny Novgorod region experienced rapid development of the media.
I also believe that the state has no right to get into bed with its people... and I hope for reciprocity in this sense.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
The number of city and regional newspapers doubled, “huge changes” took place in television - by the beginning of 1997, there were already seven television companies operating in Nizhny Novgorod on six local channels.
The researcher emphasizes that during the period of Nemtsov’s governorship in the region there were no relapses (or surrogates) of censorship, speaks of the “unprecedented openness of the regional administration,” for example, journalists had free access to weekly operational meetings of the governor’s administration, there was no accreditation procedure at all.
Soon after the appointment of Boris Nemtsov as head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, radical economic reforms began in Russia, which, according to a number of researchers, led to a sharp decline in the Russian economy and a significant drop in the living standards of the population.
An economic decline at this time was also observed in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
I never held on to power: I myself resigned from the post of governor, then from the government, then from the post of chairman of the Union of Right Forces. I don't grab power. Power is only an opportunity to realize your own ideas, and not to earn money or receive any benefits. For me, power is not an end in itself. It’s just that there are very few people in Russia who are ready to go into power for the sake of some principles and are ready to leave if they don’t share some principles.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
Nemtsov considered the federal government under Yegor Gaidar incompetent, and assessed the reforms it was carrying out as “sluggish schizophrenia.” Nemtsov was also critical of the government of Viktor Chernomyrdin at first, but then changed his mind.
Candidate of Historical Sciences Nikolai Raspopov wrote that “B. Nemtsov’s regime was characterized by many experts as close to authoritarian.”
Alexander Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region “represent a technology for intuitive development of new elements of managed democracy.” According to Prudnik, Nemtsov “blocked the path to the desired future for many talented Nizhny Novgorod residents - both the new generation of politicians and the new generation of entrepreneurs.”
A collection of scientific papers from the Moscow Public Science Foundation stated that “Nemtsov’s political leadership style can be described as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian.”
If in 1991 the average per capita income in the Nizhny Novgorod region was 90.8% of the Russian average, then by 1996 it dropped to 69.5%.
The Profile magazine wrote that Nemtsov, “thanks to his exceptional ability to knock investments out of the federal center,” achieved considerable success in the region: one and a half hundred churches were restored, thousands of kilometers of roads and more than a hundred bridges were built, one hundred thousand houses were gasified, an international airport was opened where Margaret Thatcher, John Major and French Prime Minister Alain Joupé.
The main national project of the country (and this is a state secret) is Roman Abramovich.
Nemtsov Boris Efimovich
Following the results of the period of Nemtsov's governorship from 1991 to 1996, the number of registered crimes in the Nizhny Novgorod region decreased and became below the national average.
In the next decade after Nemtsov’s resignation as governor, the mortality rate in the Nizhny Novgorod region increased by 15–25%%, and from 1999 to the present, this figure has never dropped to the level of 1991–1996.
In March 1997, he was appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Russian Government. By order of the Russian Government of March 25, 1997, Nemtsov was assigned the following responsibilities:
* organizing reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, ensuring coordination of the activities of federal executive authorities and executive authorities of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in these areas of activity;
* managing issues of housing and construction policy, antimonopoly policy, demonopolization and development of competition, the activities of natural monopolies, meeting the needs of the economy and population for fuel and energy, and for railway transportation;
* direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the State Antimonopoly Committee, the State Committee for Housing and Construction Policy, and the Federal Energy Commission.
In May 1997, on the recommendation of Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 29-year-old Boris Brevnov from Nemtsov’s entourage in Nizhny Novgorod entered the management of RAO UES of Russia.
Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial irregularities in Brevnov’s activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. As Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, noted, “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov, Nemtsov actually loses control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is being demoted once again: from being the supervisor of the fuel and energy complex, he is being demoted to the level of “meeting the economy’s needs for fuel and energy.” Nemtsov himself later said that he sometimes made mistakes about the people he nominated to leadership, but emphasized that “he has nothing to repent of.”
Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Nakoryakov, characterizing the activities of Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The collapse of the Russian energy industry began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership.
The starting point can be called the entry into the energy sector in the mid-90s of B. Nemtsov, B. Brevnov and their teams. Until a certain time, the technological groundwork created over previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in energy and economics made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it.”
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that moment, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, the second place in popularity was the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, then General Alexander Lebed, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, as sociologists argued, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.
From April 24, 1997 to November 20, 1997, Boris Nemtsov also served as Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia.
Roy Medvedev wrote that by appointing Nemtsov, Yeltsin “to the displeasure of Chernomyrdin and Chubais, endowed the new favorite with an enormous amount of authority and the ability to appeal directly to the president,” and also “promised to support Nemtsov for at least two years, or even longer.”
The graphs show the number of registered crimes and the mortality rate in the Nizhny Novgorod region and in Russia as a whole for the periods 1991–1996 (governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region - B. Nemtsov, President of Russia - B. Yeltsin) and 2001–2005 (governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region - G. Khodyrev, President of Russia - V. Putin)
On November 4, 1997, First Deputy Prime Ministers Boris Nemtsov and Anatoly Chubais, at a meeting with President Boris Yeltsin, sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. According to the memoirs of Boris Yeltsin, Nemtsov and Chubais said at this meeting that “a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country.” The next day, a presidential decree was signed on Berezovsky's resignation. According to Yeltsin’s recollections, the deputy prime ministers “gave a reason” to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as “a rather boring shadow.”
At the beginning of 1998, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. In accordance with the order of the Russian Government of May 13, 1998, Nemtsov was assigned the following responsibilities:
* organizing land reform and reform in housing and communal services, reforms in the field of transportation, ensuring interaction between executive authorities in this area;
* management of issues of formation and implementation of state policy in the field of scientific and technological progress, energy, construction, transport and communications;
* management of issues of antimonopoly policy, including in the field of communications and transport, demonopolization and development of competition, support and development of small and medium-sized businesses, regulation of the activities of natural monopolies;
* management of issues of use of natural resources, monitoring and environmental protection, development of forestry and fisheries;
* fulfilling the duties of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation in the event of his temporary absence;
* coordination of the activities of the Ministry of the Russian Federation for Atomic Energy (regarding issues of foreign economic and commercial activities);
* direct coordination and control of the activities of a number of executive authorities of the Russian Federation, including the Ministry of Land Policy, Construction and Housing and Public Utilities, the Ministry of Natural Resources, the Ministry of Railways, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the Ministry of Transport, and the State Antimonopoly Committee.
By a decree of the Russian Government of May 15, 1998, Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Russian Government Commission on Operational Issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on Social and Economic Problems of Coal Mining Regions.
In May-November 1997 and from May 1998, Nemtsov was also chairman of the board of state representatives at RAO Gazprom.
On September 22, 1998, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the socio-political movement “Young Russia” was established. Nemtsov was elected chairman of the federal political council of this movement. In the spring of 1999, “Young Russia” became part of the “Just Cause” coalition.
At the beginning of March 1999, information appeared in the press that Boris Nemtsov and a number of other representatives of right-wing forces were included in the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO UES of Russia.
On March 16, Chairman of the State Duma Seleznev said that the Duma would not allow Boris Nemtsov, Yegor Gaidar, Sergei Kiriyenko and Boris Fedorov to be elected to the board of directors of this company. According to Seleznev, “the Right Cause electoral coalition would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO UES of Russia in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already made mistakes, and it is unclear what they have to do with the energy sector.”
On March 22, Nemtsov announced his refusal to work for RAO UES of Russia.
On April 2, 1999, the State Duma adopted a resolution stating: “The State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation received with concern media reports about the so-called peacekeeping initiative of a group of notorious Russian politicians E. Gaidar, B. Nemtsov, B. Fedorov and A. Chubais in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The mentioned persons, in almost all key issues of economics, domestic and foreign policy, followed the interests of the United States of America and a number of other member states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which unleashed a criminal war in the Balkans. Their activities caused Russia serious and, in some respects, irreparable damage.”
In August 1999, Nemtsov spoke positively about Vladimir Putin’s confirmation as chairman of the Russian government: “For the right-wing forces, Putin is a completely acceptable figure. He is an efficient, experienced and intelligent person, approximately on the same level as Stepashin.”
In September 1999, Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Gennady Seleznev called on the leaders of the Union of Right Forces to disclose the sources of financing for their election bloc.
Gennady Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov, that they are “not poor people.” The State Duma speaker noted that Nemtsov “does not work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he is a parasite.” As Seleznev stated, in this case, it is not clear where the SPS gets funds “for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on.”
At the end of 1999, together with Sergei Kiriyenko and Irina Khakamada, he headed the list of the Union of Right Forces election bloc. In December, he was elected to the State Duma in the 117th Avtozavodsky constituency of Nizhny Novgorod, and served as deputy chairman of the State Duma and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the Presidential Management Training Program.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to Profile magazine, Boris Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.
On August 24, 1998, Boris Nemtsov submitted his resignation, which was granted by decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Boris Nemtsov “did little to distinguish himself” as deputy chairman of the government. Among Nemtsov’s memorable initiatives, the magazine noted his call to transfer Russian officials to domestic cars.
On November 27, 1999, Nemtsov called Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all the candidates who intend to participate in the Russian presidential elections in 2000.
He said that Putin should be the next president. According to Nemtsov, Putin is a responsible, honest person, not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form a capable, responsible and competent government. In the Russian presidential elections held in March 2000, Nemtsov voted for Grigory Yavlinsky.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, the self-dissolution of this movement was announced in anticipation of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
On May 27, 2001, Nemtsov was elected chairman of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2003, he topped the SPS list in the State Duma elections, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After losing the elections, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004–2005, he was chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern, whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group operated in the bank, which was part of the concern, which, by carrying out illegal banking transactions, received “criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles.” After the start of inspections of the company, Boris Nemtsov left the concern, saying that he wanted to “eliminate any political risks in the business” of his friend Linshits.
In 2004 he was elected to the board of the “Committee 2008: Free Choice”.
Nemtsov's SPS party officially supported Viktor Yushchenko during the election campaign in Ukraine. During the Orange Revolution, Nemtsov became one of the few Russian politicians to come out in support of Yushchenko. Nemtsov visited Kyiv several times, speaking at “orange” rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, he was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko.
In 2007, the publishing house “Belarusian Partisan” published Nemtsov’s book “Confession of a Rebel.”
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS election list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces came out with harsh criticism of the government headed by Vladimir Putin.
In December 2007, the SPS congress nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. As of December 2007, Nemtsov's presidential rating was less than 1%. Subsequently, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the results of the Duma elections in December 2007, candidates for the post of President of Russia Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov made a joint statement. It says in particular: The “elections” that took place on December 2, 2007 to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the fifth convocation became the most unfree, the most dishonest and the dirtiest in the entire history of post-Soviet Russia.
A number of opposition representatives were not allowed to participate in the elections at all. Those opposition parties that were able to take part in the election campaign were subjected to unprecedented administrative pressure.
Confiscation of campaign materials, arrests and beatings of activists, illegal detentions of parliamentary candidates and even the murder of one of them, an organized campaign to discredit the opposition, false Goebbels propaganda in state media, lack of access for opposition parties to federal television channels, restrictions on the work of international observers - all this became the hallmarks of the 2007 election campaign.
In their statement, Bukovsky, Kasyanov and Nemtsov pledged, if one of them wins the presidential election, to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation and, as soon as possible, call new elections, which “will be held in accordance with the standards of multi-party democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants.” None of these candidates were subsequently allowed to participate in the presidential elections on March 2, 2008.
On February 12, 2008, at the office of the SPS party, a presentation of the “independent expert report” by Boris Nemtsov, co-authored with Vladimir Milov, “Putin. Results." On the same day, Boris Nemtsov announced the suspension of his membership in the Union of Right Forces, refusing to comment on this decision.
On April 5, 2008, in St. Petersburg, Nemtsov took part in the conference “A New Agenda for the Democratic Movement.”
At the conference, it was decided to begin the creation of a united democratic movement “Solidarity”.
Boris Nemtsov became part of the coordination group for the preparation of the first congress of Solidarity; during this work, he took part in the founding conferences of the new movement in Moscow, Irkutsk, Krasnodar, Nizhny Novgorod, Ufa and other cities.
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party “Right Cause” was created. Nemtsov was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Right Cause a “Kremlin project” and actively tried to convince his party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A minority of former members of the Union of Right Forces, including Boris Nemtsov, refused to participate in Right Cause.
On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
Representatives of the Yabloko party, sharply criticizing Solidarity, stated that Nemtsov was primarily responsible for “black PR” against our party during the 2003 State Duma election campaign. We mean the so-called “YABLOKO Movement without Yavlinsky,” memorable to many of us, which appeared about a month before the start of the election campaign and disappeared without a trace after its end.
In March 2009, Boris Nemtsov announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the elections for the mayor of Sochi. He made this decision after receiving an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of Sochi.
Even before Nemtsov’s nomination, in early March, political scientist Alexander Kynev said that for Nemtsov, participation in the elections was only a PR campaign to remind about himself. Kynev noted that “the likelihood of Nemtsov being elected to this post is approaching zero. His rating is too low for this,” predicting the likely victory of Anatoly Pakhomov.
Federation Council Chairman Sergei Mironov was skeptical about Nemtsov's chances of being elected mayor; according to Mironov, this post should be occupied by a native of Sochi: “There are worthy people who know the specifics of this city.”
On April 5-6, 2009, the Foundation for Research on Problems of Democracy conducted a sociological survey among Sochi residents. According to the survey, 6.8% of voters plan to vote for Boris Nemtsov in the upcoming elections, 56.1% for Anatoly Pakhomov, and 13.5% for Yuri Dzagania. According to the same poll, 18.7% of voters will not vote for Nemtsov “under any circumstances.”
The director of the Foundation that conducted the sociological survey, Maxim Grigoriev, was elected to the “Central Council of Supporters of the United Russia Party” in February 2009.
According to a sociological survey conducted by the Bashkirova and Partners company commissioned by the American organization International Republican Institute, 8.2% of Sochi residents intend to vote for Boris Nemtsov, 45.3% for Anatoly Pakhomov, and 2.8% for Yuri Dzagania. , for Alexander Lebedev - 1.8%. 18% of respondents believe that Nemtsov is unworthy to take the post of mayor of Sochi.
On April 23, Nemtsov said in his blog: “They are completely nuts,” commenting on the decision of the electoral commission according to which residents of Abkhazia who have Russian passports and are not registered in the Russian Federation have the right to vote in the elections for the mayor of the city of Sochi.
According to official data, the former mayor of Anapa Anatoly Pakhomov won with a significant margin in the first round, receiving 76.86% of the votes. Nemtsov took second place with 13.6% of the votes.
Communist Yuri Dzagania took third place with a score of 6.75 percent. At the same time, observers from the Solidarity movement, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and a number of others claimed that numerous violations and falsifications took place. Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Nemtsov contacted the prosecutor's office. Representatives of the Sochi election commission, in turn, rejected accusations of violations by Nemtsov’s group.
According to the results of exit-polls provided by Ilya Yashin, a member of the Solidarity bureau and a member of Nemtsov’s election headquarters, 45% of voters voted for the United Russia candidate Alexander Pakhomov, 35% for Boris Nemtsov and another 15% for the communist Yuri Dzagania. However, according to other exit-polls, Pakhomov confidently won the elections.
Oksana Goncharenko, an expert at the Center for Political Current Affairs in Russia, believes that Nemtsov will most likely not be able to provide real competition to Pakhomov, who, in her words, “has a reputation for fame in the region and a reputation as an effective manager.”
In 1999, the Center for Political Conjuncture served Unity (later transformed into United Russia) in the elections. Since September 2008, the Center has been headed by Alexey Chesnakov, who previously held positions in the Administration of President Putin. According to the Kommersant newspaper, Vladislav Surkov criticized his subordinate Alexei Chesnakov for “an overly aggressive style of party propaganda during the election campaign.”
On April 9, the head of the Russian Presidential Administration, First Vice-President of the Russian Olympic Committee, Vladimir Kozhin, negatively assessed Nemtsov’s idea to disperse the Olympics across several cities, saying: “It’s hard to imagine a more amateurish and unprofessional approach.” The head of the press service of the Olympic Committee, Gennady Shvets, called Nemtsov’s proposal incompetent; According to him, “decentralization” will not make hosting the Olympics cheaper, but will make it more expensive.
The Interfax agency noted that “the election result reflects an objective picture”: “No matter how indignant Nemtsov was, he had no chance of winning against Pakhomov, who is backed not only by the regional authorities, but also by the authority of a strong businessman who turned Anapa into an exemplary resort city. Sochi residents expect the same from him, that’s why they cast their votes. What can Nemtsov do to counter this? Perhaps the idea of decentralizing the Olympics, without which supposedly preparations for the Games in the context of a severe global economic crisis will fail.”
Awards
* Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (March 10, 1995) - for services to the state related to the completion of the first stage of voucher privatization
* Medal “For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth” (Russian Ministry of Defense, 2001)
* Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, 1st degree (ROC, 1996) - for contribution to nation-building.
* Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, V degree (Ukraine, August 19, 2006) - for significant personal contribution to the development of international cooperation, strengthening the authority and positive image of Ukraine in the world, popularizing its historical and modern achievements
- Family and personal life
Married. Wife - Raisa Akhmetovna, daughter from this marriage - Zhanna (studied in New York, in 2005 she actively participated in the liberal youth movement in Moscow).
Nemtsov has two children from journalist Ekaterina Odintsova, whom he met in Nizhny Novgorod: son Anton (1995) and daughter Dina (2002). Later, Odintsova moved to Moscow and began working as a TV presenter. In addition, Nemtsov has a daughter, Sophia (2004), from his secretary Irina Koroleva, who previously worked in the Presidential Administration. As Nemtsov himself said in 2007, he does not live with his wife Raisa, but he has no intention of getting a divorce.
Bibliography
* "Provincial" (1997)
* Nemtsov B. “Confession of a rebel, or Politics without bl...va” (2007)
* Nemtsov B., Milov V. “Putin. Results" (independent expert report). - M.: Novaya Gazeta, 2008. - 77 pp. - ISBN 978-5-900504-84-4.
* Nemtsov B., Milov V. “Putin and Gazprom” (independent expert report). - M.: Techno M, 2008. - 58 p. - ISBN 978-5-900504-84-1
* Nemtsov B., Milov V. “Putin and the crisis” (independent expert report). - M.: Novaya Gazeta, 2009. - 32 p. - ISBN 978-5-91147-005-0
* Nemtsov B. “Luzhkov. Results" (independent expert report) (2009). For lies in this brochure, B. Nemtsov paid Yu. Luzhkov 500 thousand rubles
According to journalist and writer Igor Svinarenko, all his former common-law wives and all his children were present at Nemtsov’s 50th anniversary.
He calls Yegor Gaidar and Anatoly Chubais his friends. Nemtsov is fond of tennis and has played with Boris Yeltsin on several occasions.
Murder
On February 27, 2015 at 23:40 Moscow time, at the beginning of the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge near Vasilievsky Spusk, Boris Nemtsov was shot with a pistol by unknown killers with four shots in the back.
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov - photo
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov - quotes
I also believe that the state has no right to get into bed with its people... and I hope for reciprocity in this sense. 
Economic growth in the country is inevitable, like the sunrise.
Life in Russia has become better, but more disgusting!
The attempt to turn Yeltsin into Clinton and Zyuganov into Monica Lewinsky failed.
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov is a famous Russian politician, statesman and public figure, and businessman. During his career, Nemtsov achieved enormous success in Russian domestic politics, and in the foreign policy arena, many foreign leaders were surprised by his resilience and desire for change. In 2015, the Ukrainian president called Boris Nemtsov “a connecting bridge between Ukraine and Russia.”
Childhood and youth
Boris Nemtsov was born on October 9, 1959 in the city of Sochi. Father Efim Davidovich was an official. Mother Dina Yakovlevna Eidman is a doctor. Boris spent the first eight years of his life in his hometown, but soon went with his mother and sister Yulia to Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod). Despite the separation of his parents, the boy continued to communicate a lot with his father, who helped the family financially and often took his son to the capital of the Soviet state.
Baby photos
The future politician graduated from school with a gold medal, soon entering Gorky State University, where he began successful studies at the Faculty of Radiophysics. After graduating from university, Nemtsov decided to work as a research assistant. At that time, he tried his hand at literature, wrote poetry and stories under the pseudonym Ben Eidman, and constantly worked as a tutor. in English.
In 1985, Boris Nemtsov initially completely plunged into science, working at various research institutes. The man became a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences; by 1986, he already had more than 60 scientific papers on physics, acoustics and thermodynamics.
In my youth | Our newspaper It was assumed that interest in scientific activity will become the basis for his further professional growth in this area, but everything changed in 1988, when Nemtsov joined the environmental movement. The members of the association opposed the construction of the Gorky Nuclear Heat Supply Plant (as a result, the construction of the facility was stopped). From this moment on, politics becomes the main component of Boris Nemtsov’s life.
Political career
The fight against the construction of a large strategic facility was the beginning of Boris Nemtsov’s political career. In 1989, the aspiring politician was nominated as a candidate for people's deputies of the USSR from the regional society "For Atomic Safety", but representatives of the election commission did not register him.
In 1990, Boris Nemtsov entered the election campaign, taking an active part in the creation of a new political association, “Candidates for Democracy.” As a result, he managed to win the elections and became a people's deputy of the RSFSR. In addition, he was a member of the deputy groups “Russian Union”, “Non-Party Deputies” and “Smena”.
In the State Duma | Political officer 1991 can be called a definite breakthrough in the career of Boris Efimovich. He becomes confidant candidate for the post of President of Russia. The powers of the new representative of the head of the Russian Federation extended to the territory of the entire Nizhny Novgorod region. In August of the same year, a well-known official, while on vacation with his family in the Russian capital, participated in the defense of the White House.
On November 30, 1991, Nemtsov was appointed head of the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, becoming the youngest leader of such a high level in the country. During his tenure as governor, he managed to implement quite successful programs on the Russian territory entrusted to him. In particular, Nemtsov’s list of successful initiatives includes the “Meter by Meter” program (initiatives to reform housing conditions for military personnel), as well as “People’s Telephone”, “Gasification of Villages” and “Grain”.
With Boris Yeltsin | Myrtesen As governor, Boris Efimovich repeatedly criticized the economic program of the chairman of the government of the RSFSR, but in the future the politician will still appreciate the efforts of the economist who tried to stop the process of destruction of economic sectors of the not so long ago all-powerful Soviet Union.
Nemtsov argued that the reforms were not carried out fully, and considered the government's inaction to be a sign of weakness. Thus, he decides in December 1991 to invite Grigory Yavlinsky to the Nizhny Novgorod region to organize economic reform of the region. In 1992, Yavlinsky, heading the research institute Center for Economic and Political Research "EPIcenter", together with Nemtsov, developed a large-scale program of regional reforms.
Photo politics | God-nemtsova.ru In December 1993, residents of the Nizhny Novgorod region elected their governor to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, and in February 1994 he became a member of the Federation Council Committee on Currency and Credit Regulation.
In 1995, Nemtsov again became governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. At that time, Boris Efimovich had a reputation as a progressive reformer, and the government recommended introducing his significant experience in structural restructuring of the economic sectors of a particular region in all municipalities of the state. Reformist thinking, assertiveness, effective implementation of programs and the successful implementation of ideas in practice became a certain substantive combination of factors that made many citizens believe that Boris Efimovich is capable of becoming the substantive force for Russia that will lead the country to prosperity.
It should be noted that during his governorship, Nemtsov became a well-known media character due to an altercation with the leader of the LDPR on live television on ORT. During a TV show, Zhirinovsky doused his opponent with mango juice.
In 1996, Boris Nemtsov, taking the initiative, organized a collection of signatures in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. These signatures were submitted to President Yeltsin for consideration.
In March 1997, Nemtsov already held the position of first deputy prime minister in the government. In his new position, Boris Efimovich began to supervise the social block, and also exercised control in the field of natural monopolies. He repeatedly proposed introducing new programs that could completely change the situation in the country, laying a powerful foundation for the future development of the entire socio-economic sector.
MP | THEХЗ.ru In the spring of 1998, a large-scale reorganization of the government took place, and Sergei Kiriyenko became the head of the Cabinet of Ministers. Despite significant reshuffles, Nemtsov continues to oversee the financial and economic block; he is still entrusted with the most important tasks in the financial sector. After the default in August 1998, the Russian Cabinet of Ministers resigns, Boris Nemtsov leaves the post of Deputy Prime Minister.
Opposition
As deputy chairman of the government, Boris Efimovich was remembered by citizens for his call to transfer all Russian officials to domestically produced vehicles. 13 years later, a similar proposal was made by the President of the Russian Federation, but Nemtsov, already the main oppositionist to the current government, called this idea “stale and unpromising.”
Having said goodbye to the executive branch, Nemtsov created the “Young Russia” movement. In 1999, he was elected to the State Duma as part of the Union of Right Forces electoral bloc. From this faction, on March 1, 2000, Boris Efimovich was elected deputy chairman of the Russian parliament.
Oppositionist | TRANSLATION In December 2003, the Union of Right Forces did not receive the necessary support from voters in the elections, failing to get into the State Duma of the fourth convocation. In 2004, Nemtsov resigned along with other co-chairs of the political council, explaining this situation by failure in the elections.
Even before resigning from the post of co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov was one of the main founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Free Choice”; the chess player became its leader. The goal of the organization was to consolidate all liberal forces on a single platform for further effective activities in the political field. Boris assumed that such an initiative would help change the vector of development of the state precisely due to radical changes in the structure of government at the highest level.
With Garry Kasparov | Vedomosti In the fall of 2004, Boris Nemtsov supported supporters of the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine. He took an active part in protests on Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv. The Russian politician welcomed the victory of the Ukrainian “right” and expressed his readiness to support them in their efforts to spread their vision of change to Russia. On the main square of the country, Ukrainian citizens welcomed Nemtsov’s speeches.
In his speech, he repeatedly stated his readiness to hold similar actions in the Russian Federation. His vision of the development of the Russian state was not accepted at home. This often became a reason for criticism of Nemtsov in the Russian Federation, but the politician continued to work, trying to realize his own ambitious plans. From 2005 to 2006, Nemtsov served as a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine. Viktor Yushchenko, who was the head of the Ukrainian state, then said that “Nemtsov’s advice was not fateful, but he did everything he could.”
Photo politics | Air Force In March 2007, Boris Efimovich welcomed the results of the next parliamentary elections with the participation of the Union of Right Forces, since the party was able to overcome the 7% barrier in six of nine regions. In September 2007, Nemtsov entered the top three of the list of political forces, but did not become a State Duma deputy, since the party received only 0.96% of the votes.
In 2007, Boris Nemtsov ran for the post of head of the Russian Federation, but according to the voting results, the politician was unable to gain even 1% of the citizen vote. After this, to politician harsh criticism poured in: some politicians spoke negatively about the results of his work in the political sphere. In the same year, Boris Nemtsov’s book “Confession of a Rebel” was published.
In February 2008, Nemtsov announced that he was suspending his membership in the Union of Right Forces. The politician refused to explain this decision, but clarified that he intends to continue to cooperate with the party in various areas. Yet despite his efforts, the political association ceases to exist.
At a rally of the Solidarity movement | Interfax In 2008, a famous politician and his colleagues decided to organize a new opposition movement, Solidarity. The decision to organize a political force was made at the St. Petersburg conference “A New Agenda for the Democratic Movement.” He also took part in the creation of Solidarity conferences in Moscow, Krasnodar, Irkutsk, Ufa and Nizhny Novgorod. Kasparov and Nemtsov become leaders of Solidarity.
In 2009, Nemtsov was announced as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics - Sochi. Nemtsov lost the elections in April 2009, finishing second.
In 2010, Nemtsov took part in the creation of the opposition coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption.” Based on the new political platform, it was decided to organize an effective party to win the parliamentary elections. It was established in December 2010 as the People's Freedom Party (PARNAS). The opposition has high hopes for the new political force, but PARNAS was denied registration in 2011.
Arrest on Triumfalnaya Square | Аpinews.ru On December 31, 2010, Boris Nemtsov, together with Ilya Yashin (Nemtsov’s comrade-in-arms in Solidarity), were detained by police officers on Triumfalnaya Square after speaking at a rally, the holding of which had previously been agreed upon with the capital’s mayor’s office without much confrontation. Law enforcement officers accused Nemtsov of violating public order; he served 15 days of arrest.
The last years of Boris Nemtsov’s life were remembered for constant criminal proceedings. In 2012, he was charged with beating blogger Maxim Perevalov, but the trial of the case was completed, and the video in which Nemtsov allegedly beats Perevalov in Domodedovo turned out to be irrelevant, since the blogger confused the politician at the airport with another person. It turned out that the famous politician was not at all involved in the incident.
Peace March 2014 | PARNASSUS In 2014, Nemtsov stated that he was a supporter of the Kyiv “Euromaidan”, sharply criticizing Russia’s policy towards Ukraine in the future.
On March 1, 2015, in Russia, he was going to take part in the opposition protest march “Spring”.
Personal life
Boris Efimovich was married. They and their wife last years marriage lived separately. Raisa Akhmetovna worked as a librarian. From this marriage, Nemtsov has a daughter (born in 1984). In 2005, the girl decided to follow in her father’s footsteps and ran for election to the Moscow City Duma. Despite support from five political parties, Zhanna lost the election.
With his wife Raisa | Evening Moscow Nemtsov also has children from journalist Ekaterina Odintsova: son Anton, daughter Dina. In 2004, a daughter, Sofia, was born from Irina Koroleva, who served as his secretary.
With Ekaterina Odintsova | KP Another of Nemtsov’s lovers was Anastasia Ogneva, whom the politician met in 2012. He dated her for more than three years.
Many accused Nemtsov of excessive attention to representatives of the fair half of humanity, but he repeatedly stated that his women always simply loved him, and men were jealous of this state of affairs.
With Anna Duritskaya The politician's last love was the Ukrainian model.
Nemtsov loved sports. In his free time, he loved to play tennis, which he had been doing since 1979, and was fond of windsurfing.
Murder
The night from February 27 to 28, 2015 was the last for the Russian oppositionist. At 23:40 (Moscow time) politician.
The murder of Boris Nemtsov took place on the Bolshoi Moskvoretsky Bridge while he was walking with Ukrainian model Anna Duritskaya. The criminals shot the politician after fleeing the murder scene in a white car (this was recorded by local surveillance cameras). The President of the Russian Federation noted that the high-profile murder was “custom-made and provocative in nature.”
Photos from the murder scene | Evening Moscow The murder of Boris Nemtsov occurred just before the opposition march planned for March 1, 2015. Thus, the opposition march “Spring” was one of Nemtsov’s last projects, since the public figure remained the organizer of the march until the last moment. Due to the fact that the “Spring” march was moved to one of the most densely populated areas of the capital, Maryino, some oppositionists refused to take part in it, but the famous Russian politician was not going to stop, calling the demands of the future action “more important than the location of the opposition march "
The investigation of the crime was taken under special control by the head of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin. Law enforcement officers began to carry out operational investigative activities.
Photos from the murder scene | LB.ua Nemtsov's death alarmed the world community. Foreign political and public figures, having learned about the murder of a Russian opposition politician, called on the Russian authorities to bring the investigation to its logical conclusion. Many in the world have said that finding the organizers and perpetrators of the bloody massacre is a matter of honor for the entire state system of the Russian Federation.
Putin immediately instructed the law enforcement agencies to create a joint group of the Russian Investigative Committee, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the FSB to investigate the circumstances of the terrible crime. In turn, the government also involved the best specialists to find out all the details of what happened.
Photo politics | What's happening? Nemtsov's friends and associates were shocked by the tragedy. In particular, the famous Russian TV presenter reacted extremely painfully to the death of the politician on her Instagram account, writing that Boris was “an honest, sparkling, bright person who lived quickly and died like a real fighter.”
Investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov
In 2016, representatives of the Russian Investigative Committee completed the investigation into the murder of Boris Nemtsov. According to investigators, the customers offered 15 million rubles to those accused for the massacre of the politician.
The politician's killer did not act alone. Shadid Gubashev, Temirlan Eskerkhanov, Zaur Dadaev, Anzor Gubashev and Khamzat Bakhaev are the five defendants in this case.
Persons involved in the murder case | Newstes.ru Law enforcement officers found out that the group of killers carefully prepared to commit the crime, studying the lifestyle of the politician, his place of residence, and conducted covert surveillance of him. Investigative authorities named former officer of the Chechen battalion “North” Ruslan Mukhudinov as the mastermind of the murder. According to investigators, in September 2014, it was “Ruslan Mukhudinov and other persons” who offered the perpetrators funds in the amount of 15 million rubles for the murder of Boris Nemtsov. Mukhudinov has been on the international wanted list since November 2015.
Caucasian Knot On January 20, 2016, it was announced that Nemtsov’s murder had been solved. The involvement of all the accused is confirmed by the results of 70 complex forensic examinations.
Films about Nemtsov
After the assassination of the famous statesman, many representatives of the film industry decided to tell about his life in their films.
In 2015, director Zosya Rodkevich shot the film “My Friend Boris Nemtsov.” In this documentary film, the author presented her view of the life of a famous Russian statesman.
Another film about Nemtsov, entitled “Too Free a Man,” will also be released in 2017. Here we will talk about his political biography. The director of the film is Vera Krichevskaya.
Latest photos of politics | MMR Nemtsov’s words that freedom is expensive clearly demonstrate how the politician adhered to his own values throughout his life. For many Russians, Nemtsov is associated precisely with the freedom that he took with him on February 28, 2015.
“Freedom is when you don’t feel guilty for all the troubles that happen in the vast expanses of our vast homeland, and you are responsible only for yourself and your loved ones.”
The children of Boris Nemtsov today are doing the most to preserve the memory of this famous and extraordinary politician. The personal life of the hero of our article was eventful; in total he has five officially recognized children. But the most famous is his daughter Zhanna, a popular public figure and TV presenter.
Politician Nemtsov
The children of Boris Nemtsov still preserve the memory of their father, despite the fact that most of them have different mothers. It is worth recognizing that Nemtsov himself is one of the brightest politicians in modern Russia. In the early 90s, he joined President Yeltsin’s young team, had a dizzying career, and held key positions in governing the country. Many considered him the official successor to Boris Yeltsin as head of state. They say that Yeltsin himself treated him better than many around him.
In the 2000s, he found himself in opposition. But even here he made his way to the front ranks. Regularly participated in protests against the current government. In 2015, he was shot dead almost in the very center of Moscow. Many consider him a political victim of the regime.
Youngest Governor
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov became known throughout the country in 1991, when he headed the Nizhny Novgorod region. Shortly before this, during the August putsch, he openly supported Boris Yeltsin. He repaid him with kindness.
When the leadership of the Emergency Committee was dismissed, Yeltsin appointed Nemtsov as head of the region. This decision was largely dictated by the fact that he was a new person and knew practically no one in this area. The politician was only 32 years old. Everyone then remembered the president’s words that he was appointing such a young man as governor for only two months, and if he couldn’t cope, he would remove him. Nemtsov did it.
Moreover, in 1995, already at the popular election of the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, the hero of our article confirmed his high position. Already in the first round, he secured the support of almost 60% of voters.
At that time, he earned fame as a reformer, and during his reign he implemented several programs in the region.
Work in the Russian government
In 1997, Boris Efimovich Nemtsov’s career took off. This happened after Yeltsin, in his annual message to the Federal Assembly, criticized the work of the Chernomyrdin government. After this, leaving the Prime Minister in his post, he made significant changes to the structure and composition of the Cabinet of Ministers.
Chubais became the first deputy prime minister with expanded powers. Nemtsov was appointed another deputy prime minister. Moreover, he had to be persuaded to leave the Nizhny Novgorod region. This role was played by the daughter of the head of state, Tatyana Dyachenko, who met with the politician several times to convince him to join the government.
Nemtsov was entrusted with the responsibility of carrying out reforms in the social sphere and housing and communal services, dealing with issues of antimonopoly and housing policy, and coordinating the work of individual executive authorities. For example, the Ministry of Fuel and Energy, the Federal Energy Commission and others.
He failed to remain in the post of Deputy Prime Minister for long. In 1998, the country went into default and the government of the new Prime Minister Kiriyenko was dismissed. According to media reports, Yeltsin then personally called Nemtsov and said that he was not involved in the failure and could remain working with him until 2000. But the hero of our article refused.
He submitted his resignation in August.
Nemtsov in opposition
Nemtsov began his independent political career in the Union of Right Forces party together with Irina Khakamada and in 1999 they supported Putin when he was appointed prime minister. He later admitted that this decision was wrong.
In the elections to the State Duma he won in one of the districts in Nizhny Novgorod.
At the next elections in 2003, he ran at the head of the list of the Union of Right Forces. But the party was unable to overcome the 5 percent threshold required to enter parliament. After losing the election, Nemtsov resigned as leader of the Union of Rightist Forces.
After that he political career developed rapidly, he was always in sight. For the 2008 presidential elections, the Union of Right Forces nominated him as a candidate, but he refused, supporting him. In 2009, he participated in the elections for the mayor of Sochi. He took second place with about 13.5% of the votes.
Since 2010, he regularly participates in protests and has been repeatedly detained for participating in unauthorized political protests. Author of a number of expert reports - “Putin. Results”, “Putin. Corruption”, “Putin. Life of a slave in the galleys. Palaces, yachts, cars, planes and other accessories”, “Winter Olympics in the subtropics” and others.
In 2013, he won the elections to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma from the RPR-Parnas party.
Murder of a politician
Boris Nemtsov was killed on February 27, 2015. Almost in the very center of Moscow - on Bolshoy. From this place the Kremlin was visible.
The killer shot the politician six times - in the back and head. At this time, a 23-year-old Ukrainian woman was with him. They say that this was Nemtsov’s last love. They dated for three years. The question of who killed Boris Nemtsov immediately appeared in all news feeds.
The killer turned out to be Zaur Dadaev, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison. Four of his accomplices were convicted along with him.
First marriage
Now more about his personal life. His first wife was Raisa Akhmetova. She was three years older than him. In 1984, their daughter Zhanna was born.
In the 90s, the couple officially separated, lived separately, even in different cities, but did not officially divorce for a long time.
Zhanna Nemtsova
The daughter from his first marriage remains his most famous and public child. And this is not surprising. She is a journalist, public figure, and worked as a TV presenter on the RBC TV channel. In 2015, she left Russia. Currently lives in Germany, works as a reporter for the Russian editorial office at the famous German television company Deutsche Welle.
Since 1997, she lived in Moscow, after Nemtsov was appointed first deputy prime minister. After studying for one quarter at a school in the capital, she returned to Nizhny Novgorod without permission. She returned to Moscow only a year later at the insistence of her parents.
After receiving secondary education, she studied at an American university and later entered MGIMO. Zhanna Nemtsova received a degree in management. Under the influence of her mother, she began to show interest in the stock market. Has been successfully investing in stocks for many years domestic companies. She emigrated from Russia shortly after the murder of her father. She began receiving numerous threats through social networks.
She began her career as a journalist at the age of 14. At the radio station "Echo of Moscow" she worked as an assistant news presenter. In the early 2000s, she promoted the website of the SPS party, which was led by her father.
Since 2007 she has worked for RBC. Many people remembered her interview with her father, in which Nemtsov recalled previously little-known details. For example, about the circumstances of the visit of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to Nizhny Novgorod when he was governor there.
In 2016, she released a book of memoirs and memoirs called “Wake up Russia.” After her father's murder, her rhetoric became anti-government. In May 2015, she delivered the so-called “Speech on Freedom” in Berlin. She mainly spoke about propaganda in state media, condemned the information campaign, which, in her opinion, was launched in Russia against Ukraine, and also criticized the creation of the image of an enemy from the United States.
Personal life of Boris Nemtsov
In total, Nemtsov has five officially recognized children. He had two children with journalist Ekaterina Odintsova. He met her and began dating while still living in Nizhny Novgorod. In 1995, a son was born to Boris Nemtsov. He is currently studying at the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology. In 2002, they had a daughter, Dina, who is still a schoolgirl.
After Odintsova’s relationship with Nemtsov became close, the journalist moved to Moscow and began working as a TV presenter.
Daughter from the secretary
Boris Nemtsov also had children as a result of an office romance. In 2004, his daughter Sophia was born from his secretary Irina Koroleva. In former times, she worked in the administration of the President of the Russian Federation.
Moreover, all these years Nemtsov remained officially married to Raisa. For example, in an interview in 2007, he confirmed that they are married, although they live officially separately. So Boris Nemtsov had many wives, but they were all civilians.
Information appeared in the media about his close relationship with Zamira Duguzheva from Karachay-Cherkessia. And already in September 2017, Boris Nemtsov officially had more children. The court recognized him as the son of the child of 35-year-old Ekaterina Iftodi.
28.02.2015 01:16
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Editor's responseAccording to Head of the Moscow branch of RPR-Parnas Ilya Yashin, an unknown person shot Nemtsov 4 times in the back. “I can say that he was walking across the bridge with his girlfriend. A car stopped, a man got out and fired four shots,” Yashin told RBC. Later official representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Elena Alekseeva reported that six shell casings were found at the crime scene. Nemtsov will be buried on March 3 at the Troekurovskoye cemetery in Moscow.
Boris Nemtsov. year 2014. Photo: RIA Novosti / Sergey Kuznetsov
Dossier
Russian politician, statesman and public figure, businessman. Member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity". Co-chairman of the People's Freedom Party "For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption." People's Deputy of the RSFSR and member of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR. Former Deputy Prime Minister of Russia. Deputy of the State Duma of the 3rd convocation, ex-governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region. Former member of the Council of the Federation of the Russian Federation, former Deputy Prime Minister and First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation.
Awards
- Medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, II degree (1995)- for services to the state related to the completion of the first stage of voucher privatization.
- Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, 1st degree (1996)- an award from the Russian Orthodox Church for his contribution to state building. Makarov award pistol.
- Medal “For Strengthening the Military Commonwealth” (2001).
- Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, V degree (2006)— for a significant personal contribution to the development of international cooperation, strengthening the authority and positive image of Ukraine in the world, popularizing its historical and modern achievements.
- Honorary Badge of the Legislative Assembly of the Nizhny Novgorod Region “For Merit” (2009).
Education
In 1981 he graduated with honors from the radiophysics department of Gorky State University named after N.I. Lobachevsky, where his maternal uncle taught Vilen Yakovlevich Eidman. Four years later, in 1985, Nemtsov defended his dissertation on the topic “Coherent effects of interaction of moving sources with radiation,” becoming a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences.
Boris Nemtsov. 1993 Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov
Childhood and early years
Boris Efimovich was born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi into a family Efim Davidovich Nemtsov And Dina Yakovlevna Eidman. According to some reports, my father worked as a head at the Glavsochipedstroy SMU, and then in a high position in the relevant ministry. According to other sources, Efim Davidovich was the head of the main department in the Ministry of Oil and Gas Industry. Dina Yakovlevna was a pediatrician. Boris was not yet eight years old when his parents divorced and Dina Yakovlevna, along with her son and daughter Yulia (Nemtsov’s sister), moved to Gorky. According to Nemtsov’s recollections, they lived poorly and then he had a passionate dream of breaking out of poverty.
Despite his parents’ divorce, Nemtsov communicated a lot with his father, who helped the family financially and often took his son to Moscow.
After graduating from school (with a gold medal), Nemtsov entered the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. After successfully graduating from university, Nemtsov came to work at the Gorky Research Radiophysical Institute of the Ministry of Higher Education of the RSFSR (NIRFI), where he was first a researcher, then a senior researcher. At that time, Nemtsov worked part-time as an English tutor. He tried his hand at literature, writing poetry and stories under the pseudonym Ben Eidman.
Political career
During the 1990 election campaign, Nemtsov participated in the creation of the Candidates for Democracy association, won the elections and became a people's deputy of the RSFSR in the Gorky national-territorial district. He was a member of the deputy groups “Smena”, “Non-Party Deputies”, “Russian Union”. In March 1990, he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR for the Gorky national-territorial district, was a member of the Reform Coalition bloc and the Left Center - Cooperation faction. During the same period, Nemtsov appeared in the media as a representative of the Russian Christian Democratic Movement (RCDM). According to some sources, Nemtsov left this organization in 1993, according to others, he suspended his participation back in 1991.
Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government, Chairman of the State Property Committee of the Russian Federation Anatoly Chubais and Governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Region Boris Nemtsov at the XVIII Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. 1993 Photo: RIA Novosti / Boris Babanov
In 1991, Nemtsov acted as a confidant of the candidate for the post Russian President Boris Yeltsin in the Nizhny Novgorod region during the elections of the head of state. On June 12, 1991, Yeltsin was elected the first president of Russia. In August of the same year, Nemtsov, while on vacation with his family in Moscow, took part in the defense of the White House, after which he was appointed presidential representative in the Nizhny Novgorod region. In the fall of 1991, Nemtsov was delegated to the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, where he became a member of the legislation committee.
As governor, Boris Efimovich criticized the economic program Yegor Gaidar and in December 1991 invited him to the Nizhny Novgorod region Grigory Yavlinsky to organize economic reform of the region. From May to November 1992, the Epicenter, headed by Yavlinsky, together with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, developed a program of regional reforms.
In December 1993, Governor Nemtsov was elected by residents of the Nizhny Novgorod region to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, and in February 1994 he became a member of the Federation Council committee on budget, financial, currency and credit regulation, money issue, tax policy and customs regulation. In December 1995, Nemtsov again became governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, having been elected head of the regional administration. At that time, Nemtsov had a reputation as a progressive reformer, whose experience in structural restructuring of the economy of a particular region was recommended by the government to be implemented everywhere.
At the beginning of 1996, on the initiative of Boris Nemtsov, a collection of signatures was carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya. On January 29, 1996, these signatures were transferred to President Yeltsin.
Nemtsov during his governorship was also remembered by Russians as a media character thanks to an altercation on ORT live television with LDPR leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky, during which the latter doused his opponent with mango juice.
In the same year, Nemtsov, as governor, again became a member of the Federation Council, where he took the post of deputy chairman of the committee on issues social policy, the initiative group nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia, but refused to participate in the elections.
In March 1997, Nemtsov was asked to leave the post of governor and become the first deputy prime minister of the Viktor Chernomyrdin government of the Russian Federation. On March 17, 1997, he was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. As First Deputy Prime Minister, Nemtsov was entrusted with overseeing the social block, housing and communal services and construction, control over natural monopolies and antimonopoly policy.
After the reorganization of the government in the spring of 1998, headed by Sergey Kiriyenko, Nemtsov, with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, oversaw the financial and economic block. In August 1998, after the default and subsequent resignation of the cabinet of ministers headed by Kiriyenko, Nemtsov was appointed acting Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.
Conference of the Right Cause coalition. Presidium. Boris Nemtsov, Deputy Chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government of the Russian Federation, speaks on a voluntary basis. 1999 Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Rodionov
After his resignation, Nemtsov created the Young Russia movement. In August 1999, the movement joined the Union of Right Forces electoral bloc.
On March 1, 2000, Boris Efimovich was elected deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the faction "Union of Right Forces".
In May 2000, when Kiriyenko, who was the head of the Union of Right Forces faction in the State Duma, left for civil service, taking the post of plenipotentiary representative of President Vladimir Putin in the Volga Federal District, Nemtsov became the leader of the bloc faction, and the place of vice speaker from the Union of Right Forces strength” was taken by Irina Khakamada. In May 2001, the founding congress of the party took place, at which Nemtsov was elected one of the five chairmen of the federal political council.
In December 2003, representatives of the Union of Right Forces did not get into the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation. And already on January 20, 2004, Nemtsov resigned along with other co-chairs of the political council, explaining this situation as a consequence of failure in the parliamentary elections. However, the congress of the Union of Right Forces re-elected all former co-chairs to the party’s federal political council, despite the fact that Nemtsov announced his intention to become an ordinary member of the party even before the congress. But the very next month, at a meeting of the political council, four secretaries of the political council were elected, who formed the technical presidium of the party for the period until the election of a new leader. Nemtsov was not included in the leadership of the Union of Right Forces. In the same month, Boris Efimovich was elected chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern.
Meeting of Russian President Vladimir Putin with the leader of the Duma faction of the SPS Boris Nemtsov. year 2000. Photo: RIA Novosti / Vladimir Fedorenko
Even before resigning from the post of co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov was one of the founders of the organization “Committee 2008: Free Choice”, headed by chess player Garry Kasparov. The goal of the organization was to consolidate all liberal forces on one platform.
In the fall of 2004, Boris took part in protests on Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kyiv. After election Victor Yushchenko President of Ukraine, the politician welcomed the victory of the Ukrainian “right” and expressed his readiness to support them in their desire to extend the experience of the “Orange Revolution” to Russia. In February 2005, Nemtsov was appointed freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine, which he remained until October 2006.
In May 2005, he became the leader of the Union of Right Forces Nikita Belykh, according to some reports, his candidacy was proposed by Nemtsov.
In March 2007, Boris Efimovich gave a positive assessment of the results of the Union of Right Forces in the simultaneous elections held earlier that month in 14 Russian regions (the party was able to overcome the 7% barrier in six of nine regions; in the remaining five regions the party lists were removed by local election commissions even before voting). In September 2007, the congress approved the list of candidates for the State Duma elections from the Union of Right Forces; Nemtsov was among the top three candidates on the list. However, in the elections of December 2, 2007, the party gained only 0.96% and Nemtsov did not become a State Duma deputy. Although it was even planned to nominate him as a candidate in the presidential elections from the Union of Right Forces.
On December 17, 2007, Belykh at the congress of the Union of Right Forces announced that he was resigning as head of the party’s federal political council, since he considered himself responsible for its defeat in the elections to the State Duma. At the same time, the entire composition of the party’s federal political council, including Nemtsov, resigned. However, at the same time, at the congress, Nemtsov, like most of the leaders of the “union of right-wing forces” who announced their resignation, was re-elected to the new political council of the party. On the same day, the congress nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. On December 22, Boris successfully passed the first stage of registering his candidacy, but four days later he announced that he was abandoning the fight for the post of President of the Russian Federation, since the outcome of the elections was predetermined. He also called on Kasyanov and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov to follow his example, so as not to give legitimacy to the presidential campaign by their participation in it.
On February 12, 2008, Nemtsov announced that he had suspended his membership in the Union of Right Forces. The politician refused to comment on his decision, but clarified that he intends to continue to cooperate with the party.
In September 2008, it became known that the Union of Right Forces would soon join the new Right Cause party. However, the day before, Nemtsov almost derailed these plans: at the last congress of the Union of Right Forces, he announced the withdrawal of his statement on the suspension of party membership. The politician offered to take responsibility for the party and its financing if his comrades decide not to dissolve the organization. But the party still ceased to exist.
Boris Nemtsov. 2007 Photo: RIA Novosti / Ilya Pitalev
On December 14, 2008, the founding congress of the new opposition movement “Solidarity” took place in Khimki near Moscow. Nemtsov and Kasparov became the de facto leaders of Solidarity; Denis Bilunov became the head of the executive committee the following year.
In March 2009, the Solidarity Bureau nominated Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of the future capital of the 2014 Winter Olympics, Sochi. The elections for the mayor of Sochi took place on April 26, 2009. According to the voting results, Nemtsov took second place, losing to candidate from United Russia Anatoly Pakhomov. Boris tried to challenge the election results, but in June 2009 the Central District Court of Sochi rejected his claim, and in August this decision was confirmed by the Krasnodar Regional Court.
In July 2009, Nemtsov headed the Solidarity headquarters for the elections to the Moscow City Duma, but by the beginning of September all candidates from the movement were denied registration, and according to the results of the elections themselves, held on October 11, 2009, 32 of the 35 Moscow City Duma mandates were received by party representatives "United Russia".
September 16, 2010 Nemtsov together with Mikhail Kasyanov,Vladimir Milov And Vladimir Ryzhkov announced the creation of an opposition coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption.” On its basis, it was decided to create a political party to participate in presidential and parliamentary elections. It was established in December 2010 as the People's Freedom Party (PARNAS). In May 2011, Nemtsov, together with the co-chairs of the People's Freedom Party, submitted documents to the Ministry of Justice for its registration. On June 22 of the same year it became known that PARNAS was denied registration. The reason for the refusal was cited by the Ministry of Justice as the presence among party members of “ dead souls“- minors and those who died before the party congress in December 2010, as well as the absence of a clause on the rotation of leaders in the party charter. PARNAS leaders tried to appeal this decision of the Ministry of Justice, but they were unsuccessful.
In December 2010, Nemtsov, Milov and Ryzhkov filed a lawsuit in the Savyolovsky Court of Moscow against Prime Minister Putin and VGTRK for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation. The reason for the lawsuit was a statement made in the television program “Conversations with Vladimir Putin the official's answer to the question of what Nemtsov, Ryzhkov, Milov really want.
The plaintiffs estimated the moral damage caused by Putin's response at one million rubles. However, in February 2011, the oppositionists' claim was denied.
Boris Nemtsov and Irina Khakamada. 2010 Photo: RIA Novosti / Ruslan Krivobok
December 31, 2010 Boris Efimovich and his Solidarity comrade Ilya Yashin were detained on Triumfalnaya Square after speaking at a rally, the holding of which was agreed upon with the capital authorities. By decision of the Tverskoy District Court, they were sentenced to fifteen and five days of arrest, respectively, for disobeying police demands. The court refused to satisfy Nemtsov’s appeal against the arrest decision, and the politician served his arrest until January 15, 2011, despite pickets in support of Nemtsov and Yashin near the building of the Russian Presidential Administration.
On December 10, 2011, Nemtsov took part in a mass opposition rally, whose participants in different cities of Russia spoke out against the falsification of the parliamentary elections on December 4, 2011. Boris was also preparing for the next rally, which was to take place on December 24, 2011. On December 19, Life News published on its website recordings of Nemtsov’s personal telephone conversations, in which Boris spoke impartially about Evgenia Chirikova, Bozene Rynska, Alexey Navalny and, in general, about the visitors to the rally on December 10, calling the latter “hamsters.” The next day, Nemtsov apologized to those who might have been offended by his words and suggested that they had organized a “leak” of conversations by the authorities, who thereby wanted to disrupt the protest on December 24.
After a split in the Union of Right Forces and the entry of the Solidarity movement into the coalition “For Russia without arbitrariness and corruption,” in 2012 he took the post of co-chairman of the political party “Republican Party of Russia - People’s Freedom Party” (RPR-PARNAS). In the regional elections of 2013, he was elected to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the list of the RPR-Parnas party. In the Yaroslavl Regional Duma, Nemtsov joined the committee on budget, taxes and finance, and the committee on legislation, issues of state power, and local government.
In 2014, he declared himself as a supporter of the Kyiv “Maidan”, sharply criticizing Russia’s policy towards Ukraine in the future. On March 1, 2015, I was going to take part in the permitted protest march of the opposition “Spring”.
Boris Nemtsov with his wife and daughter Zhanna. 1994 Photo: RIA Novosti / Yuri Somov
Personal life
Boris Efimovich was married. However, according to some reports, he and his wife Raisa Akhmetovna have lived separately in recent years. Raisa Akhmetovna is a librarian and also worked as an investor in the stock market. From this marriage, Nemtsov has a daughter, Zhanna (born in 1984); she studied at MGIMO’s master’s program with a degree in management. In 2005, as a self-nominated candidate, she stood for election to the Moscow City Duma in the 3rd single-mandate district of the capital. Despite support from five political parties, Zhanna lost the election.
In his free time, Nemtsov loved to play tennis, which he had been doing since 1979. He enjoyed driving and, according to some sources, was fond of windsurfing.
Boris Efimovich Nemtsov. Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi - killed on February 27, 2015 in Moscow. Russian politician and statesman, deputy of the Yaroslavl Regional Duma of the sixth convocation, one of the founders and leaders of the Solidarity Movement, co-chairman of the political party RPR-PARNAS, member of the Coordination Council of the Russian Opposition, physicist.
First governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region (1991-1997). Nemtsov then went to work for the Russian Government as Minister of Fuel and Energy (1997) and First Deputy Prime Minister (1997-1998). In 1997-1998 he was a member of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. At the time of his work as governor and deputy prime minister, he was the youngest Russian politician in these positions (until the appointment of Prime Minister S. Kiriyenko in April 1998).
In 1998, he created the liberal movement “Young Russia”, which then became one of the founders of the “Right Cause” coalition (1998-2000) and the “Union of Right Forces” party. Nemtsov was elected to the Russian parliament several times, in 1990 he was elected as a people's deputy of the RSFSR, in 1993 he was elected to the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, and in 1995-1997 he was a member of the Federation Council as governor. In 1999-2003, he was a deputy of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, where he held the positions of deputy chairman of the State Duma and head of the SPS faction. After 2003, he worked in business and was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine.
After a split in the “Union of Right Forces” (when fellow party members decided to unite into “Right Cause”) in 2008, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the opposition democratic movement “Solidarity”. Since 2008 - member of the Bureau of the Federal Political Council of the Solidarity movement. In 2009, with the support of Solidarity, he ran for the post of mayor of Sochi and took second place in the elections after the candidate from the party in power. In 2010, the movement joined the coalition “For a Russia without arbitrariness and corruption.”
Since 2012 - co-chairman of the political party "Republican Party of Russia - People's Freedom Party" (RPR-PARNAS). Known for publishing a number of reports on corruption and criticizing V. Putin (“Putin. Results. 10 years”, “Putin. Corruption”), and also as one of the organizers and participants of the “March of Dissent” (2007), “Strategy-31”, protest rallies “For fair elections” (2011-2013) and marches against military operations on the territory of Ukraine (2014-2015).
At the regional elections on September 8, 2013, he was elected to the Yaroslavl Regional Duma at the head of the list of the RPR-Parnas party.
He was a candidate of physical and mathematical sciences, the author of more than 60 scientific papers and several inventions. The initiator of naming the heads of regions in Russia governors (thus, he became the first governor in modern Russia). Initiator of the Presidential Management Training Program. He was awarded several Russian state awards (including the medal of the Order of Merit for the Fatherland), the Ukrainian Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise and the Order of the Holy Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow from the Russian Orthodox Church.
Shot dead on the night of February 27-28, 2015 by unknown assailants in Moscow. According to the priority version of the investigation, he died at the hands of Islamists. He was buried at Troekurovskoye Cemetery.
Boris Nemtsov. Cult of personality
Born on October 9, 1959 in Sochi in the family of deputy head of the construction department Efim Davydovich Nemtsov (1928-1988) and pediatrician, Honored Doctor of Russia Dina Yakovlevna Nemtsova (nee Eidman; born March 3, 1928).
Was youngest child in the family (sister Yulia is 6 years older).
According to Nemtsov’s recollections, his paternal grandmother, Anna Borisovna Nemtsova (1899-1980), was Russian and as a child baptized him in secret from his Jewish mother, which caused her great dissatisfaction. His cousin (on his mother's side) is Igor Eidman.
He studied in Gorky and graduated from school No. 11 in the Prioksky district with a gold medal. In 1976 he entered the radiophysics department of Gorky State University. N.I. Lobachevsky, who graduated with honors. Nemtsov’s cousin, Vilen Eidman’s son, Igor Eidman, also studied at Gorky University. In 1997 he moved to Moscow.
Then he worked in research institutes. He worked on problems of plasma physics, acoustics and hydrodynamics. In 1985, while working at NIRFI together with his maternal uncle, Doctor of Physical and Mathematical Sciences Vilen Yakovlevich Eidman, he was a co-author of V.V. Kurin in the article “Precursor and lateral waves when pulses are reflected from the interface between two media.”
In 1985, he defended his dissertation and received the degree of Candidate of Physical and Mathematical Sciences (topic: “Coherent effects of interaction of moving sources with radiation”). Author of more than 60 scientific papers on quantum physics, thermodynamics, and acoustics.
Among Nemtsov's inventions are an acoustic laser (superheated steam is greatly cooled, creating powerful infrasound) and some parameters of an antenna for a spacecraft (when a ship enters the earth's atmosphere, due to its heating, communication with the ship is lost - Nemtsov's invention removed communication interference). Academician V.L. Ginzburg spoke about him in 1997: “He studied at the department of radio wave propagation, which I organized at the radio department, and was a graduate student of two of my graduate students: Eidman, his uncle, and Denisov. He is a truly talented physicist, he has a lot of good work.” He worked as a tutor in physics, mathematics and English.
In March 1990, he was elected people's deputy of the RSFSR for the Gorky national-territorial district, was a member of the Reform Coalition bloc and the Left Center - Cooperation faction.
According to People's Deputy of the RSFSR, member of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation Ilya Konstantinov, in June 1993 Nemtsov warned him about the upcoming dispersal of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Council, saying that the deputies would be “crushed by tanks” and invited him (Konstantinov) to go over to the side of the president.
During the Russian presidential elections in 1991, Boris Nemtsov was Boris Yeltsin's confidant in the Gorky region.
From August 27, 1991 to April 18, 1994, Boris Nemtsov was the plenipotentiary representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
On October 18, the Supreme Council of the RSFSR delegated Nemtsov to the Council of Republics of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, but 2 months later he was recalled from there due to the ratification by the Russian parliament of the Belovezhskaya Agreement on the termination of the existence of the USSR.
On November 30, 1991, a decree of the President of the RSFSR was signed on the appointment of Nemtsov as head of the administration of the Gorky Region (since May 16, 1992 - Nizhny Novgorod Region.
On December 12, 1993, Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council; his election campaign, as the Kommersant newspaper wrote, was financed by businessman Andrei Klimentyev.
November 29, 1994 Bank of New York mistakenly transferred $2 million to the correspondent account of the investment commercial bank Nizhegorodets in the Nizhny Novgorod region; in fact, the funds were intended for Nizhegorodpromstroybank. IKB Nizhegorodets, which was experiencing serious financial difficulties, did not return the money. An international scandal broke out: according to the then governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region Boris Nemtsov, the US Ambassador to Russia tried to protect the interests of the Bank of New York Thomas Pickering.
Pickering turned to the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation, Anatoly Chubais, and on February 18, 1995, together with the head of the Central Bank of Russia, Tatyana Paramonova, he instructed Governor Nemtsov in writing to take urgent measures to return $2 million to the Bank of New York.
In turn, Nemtsov, in a letter on March 13, 1995, offered Chubais two options: either the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region takes out a loan from Inkombank secured by federal property - a multi-story office of the state enterprise Nizhpoligraf, or the federal budget allows the region to defer mandatory tax payments in the amount of 15 billion rubles for nine month. Chubais approved the option with Nizhpoligraf, and the State Property Committee of Russia allowed the federal building to be pledged as collateral to obtain a loan from Inkombank. However, the money was borrowed not by the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region, but by the Nizhny Novgorod Fair, where the administration was and remains the main shareholder. The fair received $3.5 million from Inkombank to solve, essentially, other people’s problems.
On April 18, 1995, a tripartite loan agreement was concluded between VZAO Nizhny Novgorod Fair (lender), IKB Nizhegorodets (borrower) and Bank of New York (borrower’s lender). The fair pledged to transfer $1.114 million to the Bank of New York to settle the debt of the Nizhny Novgorod Bank. The latter promised the fair to repay the debt within six months, taking into account 10% per annum.
On April 25, 1995, according to the payment order, $1.021 million was transferred to Nizhegorodets Bank (why not $1.114 million was not explained). However, Nizhegorodets, which already had debts of millions of dollars at the time of concluding the contract, did not fulfill its obligations to the fair and went bankrupt.
In 2005, Boris Nemtsov commented on this to the Kommersant publication: “As far as I understand, there are no criminal cases against me.” Meanwhile, commenting on the conflict between the Bank of New York and the Nizhny Novgorod Fair, Nemtsov noted that “Russia as a state returned the money stolen from it to the Bank of New York and did the right thing, because in America everyone believed that the money was stolen by the Russian mafia.” Nemtsov also added that he does not understand what Gennady Khodyrev (governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region in 2005) is worried about: “The administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region can take away a stake in the fair to pay creditors, but for the fair this will only be good, because it An official should not rule.”
In 1996, the chief specialist of the State Committee for Federation and Nationalities Affairs of the Russian Federation, Olga Senatova, described the regime formed under Nemtsov’s governorship as authoritarian.
According to O. Senatova, in the absence of control from the federal center (from 1991 to 1994, he combined the posts of head of administration and representative of the President of the Russian Federation in the region), Nemtsov established total control over the media, which hindered the activities of the opposition and contributed to the formation of an absolutely controlled legislative authority - more than 60%, according to Senatova, it consisted of functionaries of the executive branch of all levels. According to O. Senatova, “the displacement of structures and individuals from local politics led to an inappropriately large number of Nizhny Novgorod residents on the federal lists of parties and movements” - the personalities forced out of local politics were “rushing” to the federal level. Nemtsov was patronized by the federal center, which greatly contributed to the influx of investment into the region. According to O. Senatova, Nemtsov provided patronage to a number of commercial firms (the Aroko company, the Nizhny Novgorod Banking House bank of Boris Brevnov, etc.), while at the same time complicating the activities of strangers or independent small companies. According to O. Senatova, the combination of a fairly effective domestic policy with the work of the “propaganda machine” ensured Nemtsov’s high popularity among the population.
Journalist Vladimir Ionov does not agree with this and calls the assessment of Olga Senatova, who did not live in the Nizhny Novgorod region, untrue. In his publication, Ionov points out Governor Nemtsov’s openness to the media: “I have had the opportunity more than once to attend unprecedented open operational meetings with the governor and write about him.” Ionov also notes the lack of practice of taking interviews for preliminary proofreading and any consequences after the publication of critical articles addressed to Governor Nemtsov.
Elections of the governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region 1997
President of the Nizhny Novgorod Research Foundation Sergei Borisov, in his study “The current political regime in the Nizhny Novgorod region: Formation in the 1990s,” calls one of the “most natural consequences of the authoritarianization of the political regime” the formation around Nemtsov by the end of 1993 of “an informal alliance of individual representatives of the most influential, “elite corporations”: the executive and legislative branches of government, local “security officials”, entrepreneurs and media executives. According to the expert, the period of Nemtsov’s governorship is characterized by features characteristic of a regime of regional authoritarianism. The scientist believes that a liberal-populist version of such a regime was implemented in the Nizhny Novgorod region.
Alternative poles of political influence outside the ruling hierarchy were not suppressed by the administration of Governor Nemtsov, but their possible strengthening was under close attention and limited, as S. Borisov wrote, using a wide variety of means. The activities of representative bodies of government were also pushed back by the governor's administration from the epicenter of the political process. At the same time, the expert noted, the political opposition was not perceived by the governor as something necessarily hostile, and was surrounded by “an atmosphere of a certain tolerance.” The governor’s political competitors were pushed to the periphery of public life not through bureaucratic pressure, but through methods of public policy.
Alexander Prudnik, an employee of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, wrote that the events after January 1994 in the history of the Nizhny Novgorod region “represent a technology for intuitively developing new elements of managed democracy.” According to Prudnik, Nemtsov “blocked the path to the desired future for many talented Nizhny Novgorod residents - both the new generation of politicians and the new generation of entrepreneurs.”
A collection of scientific papers from the Moscow Public Scientific Foundation stated that “Nemtsov’s style of political leadership can be described as intuitive, improvisational and moderately authoritarian.”
In 1996, Yuri Kotov, head of the State Committee of the Republic of Chuvashia for Land Resources and Land Use, in an interview with the Business Sreda newspaper, highly appreciated Nemtsov’s organizational skills. Speaking about the land reform carried out in the Nizhny Novgorod region, Kotov noted that Nemtsov “gave everyone the same starting opportunities. Those who were passionate about this cause, especially on earth, pulled it out. Some were able to reveal themselves as owners, owners, while others were simply not ripe for this - accustomed to relying on the state, they destroyed both collective farms and their own farms. And it’s simply unfair to blame Nemtsov for this.”
According to the Panorama information and expert group, Nemtsov is one of the few heads of regional administration who enjoyed relatively high popularity among the population. The correctness of the course of reforms he chose and the undestroyed system of distribution of cheap goods through large military-industrial complex enterprises, which employ a significant part of the region's population, are noted. Also credited is the absence of major conflicts with the regional Council, which approved the implementation of reforms.
Nizhny Novgorod political scientist Sergei Kochergov credits Nemtsov with the resuscitation of the Nizhny Novgorod Fair and the Gorky Automobile Plant, and successes in land reform. The program of targeted social assistance is also noted, which was one of the first to be applied in Russia, and the experience was implemented in other regions.
Nemtsov vs Zhirinovsky. One on One (1995)
From April 24 to November 20, 1997, Boris Nemtsov also served as Minister of Fuel and Energy of Russia, and from May 22, 1997 to October 1, 1998, a member of the Russian Security Council.
In May 1997, on the recommendation of Nemtsov and with the assistance of Anatoly Chubais, 29-year-old Boris Brevnov from Nemtsov’s entourage in Nizhny Novgorod entered the management of RAO UES of Russia. Later, the Accounts Chamber of Russia discovered numerous financial irregularities in Brevnov’s activities, and in 1998 he lost his post. As Olga Kryshtanovskaya, a researcher at the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, noted, “as a result of the scandal around Brevnov, Nemtsov actually loses control over RAO UES. Nemtsov is being demoted once again: from being the supervisor of the fuel and energy complex, he is being demoted to the level of “meeting the economy’s needs for fuel and energy.” Nemtsov himself later said that he sometimes made mistakes about the people he nominated to leadership, but emphasized that “he has nothing to repent of.”
Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences Vladimir Nakoryakov, characterizing the activities of Nemtsov and his nominee, wrote: “The collapse of the Russian energy industry began with the arrival of absolute non-professionals in the leadership. The starting point can be called the entry into the energy sector in the mid-90s of B. Nemtsov, B. Brevnov and their teams. Until a certain time, the technological groundwork created over previous years was enough to withstand the efforts that the incoming team of absolute amateurs in energy and economics made to destroy the energy complex and lose control over it.”
In April 1997, according to the Public Opinion Foundation, 29% of Russians were ready to see Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia. At that moment, Boris Nemtsov was the leader in the presidential rating, the second place in popularity was the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, then the general, the mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov and the leader of Yabloko Grigory Yavlinsky. In the second round, as sociologists argued, Nemtsov would have defeated any of the mentioned politicians.
By the end of October 1999, according to a VTsIOM poll, Nemtsov's presidential rating had fallen to 1 percent.
According to Alexander Khinshtein, President Yeltsin, at a “no tie” meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Hashimoto, held in Krasnoyarsk on November 1-2, 1997, announced the transfer of the Kuril Islands, and it was Nemtsov who convinced the president to abandon his promise.
On November 4, 1997, First Deputy Prime Ministers Nemtsov, and at a meeting with President Yeltsin, sought the resignation of Boris Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. According to Yeltsin’s memoirs, Nemtsov and Chubais said at this meeting that “a person who confuses business with politics cannot occupy this position, they gave examples, they said that Berezovsky undermines the authority of the authorities in the country.” The next day, a presidential decree was signed on Berezovsky's resignation. According to Yeltsin’s recollections, the deputy prime ministers “gave a reason” to get rid of Berezovsky, whom Yeltsin described as “a rather boring shadow.”
On December 26, 1997, the State Duma adopted a resolution in which it described Nemtsov as an irresponsible and unqualified politician, proposing to Yeltsin to relieve him of his position.
In April 1998, he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation.
By a decree of the Russian Government of May 15, 1998, Nemtsov was entrusted with the leadership of the Russian Government Commission on Operational Issues and the Interdepartmental Commission on Social and Economic Problems of Coal Mining Regions.
In May-November 1997 and from May 1998, Nemtsov was also chairman of the board of state representatives at RAO Gazprom.
Nemtsov is one of the initiators of the adoption of the Presidential Management Training Program.
A few days after the default on August 17, 1998, the government of Sergei Kiriyenko was dismissed, Nemtsov became acting deputy chairman of the Russian government. According to Profile magazine, Yeltsin called Nemtsov and said that he had nothing to do with the crisis, and therefore would work until 2000, but Nemtsov refused.
On August 24, 1998, Nemtsov submitted his resignation, which was granted by decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin on August 28, 1998.
As Kommersant-Vlast magazine wrote, Nemtsov “distinguished himself little” as deputy prime minister: “I remember his call to transfer Russian officials to domestic cars and a club jacket with white trousers, in which Nemtsov met Heydar Aliyev, who flew to Moscow with an official visit. Nemtsov was one of the most prominent Duma speakers. One of the advantages of his election campaign is the demand for military reform. The downside is the failed tactical alliance with Yabloko.”
On September 22, 1998, Nemtsov was appointed deputy chairman of the Council for Local Self-Government in the Russian Federation (on a voluntary basis).
In December 1998, the socio-political movement “Young Russia” was established. Nemtsov was elected chairman of the federal political council of this movement. In the spring of 1999, “Young Russia” became part of the “Just Cause” coalition.
At the beginning of March 1999, information appeared in the press that Nemtsov and a number of other representatives of right-wing forces were included in the list of candidates for members of the board of directors of RAO UES of Russia. On March 16, State Duma Chairman Gennady Seleznev said that the Duma would not allow Nemtsov, Gaidar, Kiriyenko and B. Fedorov to be elected to the board of directors of this company. According to Seleznev, “the Right Cause electoral coalition would like to have a good sponsor in the person of RAO UES of Russia in the upcoming parliamentary elections, but these people have already made mistakes, and it is unclear what they have to do with the energy sector.” On March 22, Nemtsov announced his refusal to work for RAO UES of Russia.
On April 2, 1999, the State Duma of the Russian Federation expressed concern about the peacekeeping initiative of the group, in which Nemtsov participated, in Yugoslavia.
In August 1999, Nemtsov spoke positively about his confirmation as chairman of the Russian government: “For the right-wing forces, Putin is a completely acceptable figure. He is an efficient, experienced and intelligent person, approximately on the same level as Stepashin.”
In September 1999, State Duma Chairman G. Seleznyov called on the leaders of the Union of Right Forces to disclose the sources of financing for their election bloc. Seleznev recalled the statement of one of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, Nemtsov, that they are “not poor people.” The State Duma speaker noted that Nemtsov “does not work anywhere, that is, according to the old laws, he is a parasite.” As Seleznev stated, in this case, it is not clear where the SPS gets funds “for posters, advertising, and it is not clear what these guys live on.”
At the end of 1999, together with Sergei Kiriyenko, he headed the list of the Union of Right Forces election bloc. In December, he was elected as a State Duma deputy in the 117th Avtozavodsky constituency of Nizhny Novgorod, and served as deputy chairman of the State Duma, member of the State Duma Committee on Legislation and leader of the SPS faction. He was one of the co-chairs of the Union of Right Forces party.
On November 27, 1999, Nemtsov called Vladimir Putin the most worthy person of all the candidates who intend to participate in the Russian presidential elections in 2000. He said that Putin should be the next president. According to Nemtsov, Putin is a responsible, honest person, not afraid to make difficult decisions for himself, who will form a capable, responsible and competent government.
Subsequently, Nemtsov admitted his support for Putin was erroneous, stated that in fact he voted for Grigory Yavlinsky in the 2000 presidential elections, and that he never voted for Putin and objected to Putin’s support for the Union of Right Forces.
On April 28, 2001, at the fourth congress of Young Russia, the self-dissolution of this movement was announced on the eve of the creation of the Union of Right Forces party.
In 2003, he topped the SPS list in the State Duma elections, which did not overcome the 5 percent barrier. After losing the elections, he resigned from the post of chairman of the political council of the Union of Right Forces.
In 2004-2005, he was chairman of the board of directors of the Neftyanoy concern, whose president was Igor Linshits. According to the prosecutor's office, a criminal group operated in the bank, which was part of the concern, which, by carrying out illegal banking transactions, received “criminal income in the amount of 57 billion rubles.” After the start of inspections of the company, Boris Nemtsov left the concern, saying that he wanted to “eliminate any political risks in the business” of his friend Linshits. According to Nemtsov himself, he worked at the Neftyanoy concern, where he was involved in the construction of commercial real estate in Moscow, but never worked at the Neftyanoy bank. The theft case at Neftyanoy Bank was closed in 2010.
In 2004 he was elected to the board of the “Committee 2008: Free Choice”.
On October 24-25, 2002, during the seizure of the Theater Center on Dubrovka, the terrorists, according to testimony, named Kobzon, Irina Khakamada and Nemtsov among the politicians with whom they agreed to negotiate. Khakamada replied that she was ready and, in order to rescue the hostages, went with Kobzon to the Theater Center to meet with the terrorists, and Nemtsov said: “I need to coordinate” and disappeared. Ten years later, Nemtsov explained that he and Luzhkov were then forbidden to participate in negotiations with terrorists by V. Putin: “There was a direct call from Putin. And then (chief of the operational headquarters) Pronichev came up and said: you and Luzhkov should not go... I asked him to explain the reason to me. Pronichev told me: go to the Kremlin and sort it out. I came to Voloshin and asked him to explain what this all meant. Voloshin told me: Putin doesn’t like that your rating is growing.”.
In 2004, Nemtsov's party officially supported the SPS during the presidential election campaign in Ukraine. During the Orange Revolution, Nemtsov became one of the few Russian politicians to come out in support of Yushchenko. Nemtsov visited Kyiv several times, speaking at “orange” rallies.
From February 2005 to October 2006, he was a freelance adviser to the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko. According to Boris Nemtsov himself, “his advice cannot be called fateful, but he did what he could”
In 2007, Nemtsov’s book “Confession of a Rebel” was published.
In September 2007, the SPS party congress approved Boris Nemtsov, along with Nikita Belykh and Marietta Chudakova, at the head of the SPS election list for the 2007 State Duma elections. During the election campaign, the Union of Right Forces came out with harsh criticism of the government led by Vladimir Putin.
In November 2007, during the election campaign to the State Duma, a number of media outlets published a statement from the first issue of the SPS regional group for Ingushetia, Vakha Yevloev, who extremely negatively characterized Nemtsov’s activities, including as party leader. Political scientist Alexander Kynev called this statement a “PR campaign to discredit one of the political parties,” suggesting that it was made under pressure.
In December 2007, the SPS congress nominated Boris Nemtsov as a candidate for the post of President of Russia to participate in the elections in March 2008. According to data as of December 2007, Nemtsov’s presidential rating was less than 1% On December 26, even before the start of the election campaign, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy in favor of Mikhail Kasyanov.
Following the Duma elections in December 2007, candidates for the post of President of Russia Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Bukovsky and Mikhail Kasyanov issued a joint statement saying that the past campaign was dishonest and listing numerous reasons that prompted them to come to this conclusion.
In their statement, Bukovsky, Kasyanov and Nemtsov pledged, if one of them wins the presidential election, to dissolve the State Duma of the fifth convocation and, as soon as possible, call new elections, which “will be held in accordance with the standards of multi-party democracy, ensuring freedom of speech, transparency of all procedures and equal opportunities for all participants.” None of these candidates were subsequently allowed to participate in the presidential elections on March 2, 2008.
On February 12, 2008, at the office of the SPS party, a presentation of the “independent expert report” by Boris Nemtsov, co-authored with Vladimir Milov, “Putin. Results." On the same day, Boris Nemtsov announced the suspension of his membership in the Union of Right Forces, refusing to comment on this decision.
On April 5, 2008, in St. Petersburg, Nemtsov took part in the conference “A New Agenda for the Democratic Movement.”
On November 15, 2008, at an extraordinary congress, the SPS party announced its self-dissolution. On the basis of the liquidated parties SPS, Civil Force and DPR, a new party “Right Cause” was created. Nemtsov was one of the persistent opponents of the dissolution of the Union of Right Forces, called Right Cause a “Kremlin project” and actively tried to convince his party comrades to abandon the voluntary liquidation of the Union of Right Forces, but the majority decided otherwise. A minority of former members of the Union of Right Forces, including Boris Nemtsov, refused to participate in Right Cause.
On December 13, 2008, at the first congress of the United Democratic Movement "Solidarity" he was elected a member of the federal political council of "Solidarity" and became a member of the bureau of the federal political council of the movement.
In March 2009, Boris Nemtsov announced his intention to participate as a candidate in the elections for the mayor of Sochi. He made this decision after receiving an appeal from a group of Sochi residents with a request to stand as a candidate in the elections. On March 28, 2009, the municipal election commission officially registered Nemtsov as a candidate for mayor of Sochi.
According to official data, the former mayor of Anapa Anatoly Pakhomov won by a significant margin in the first round, receiving 76.86% of the votes. Nemtsov took second place with 13.6% of the votes. Communist Yuri Dzagania took third place with a score of 6.75 percent.
On March 10, 2010, Nemtsov was among the first opposition figures to sign the appeal “Putin must leave.”
On August 7, 2010, Nemtsov climbed Mount Elbrus, the highest point in Russia and Europe, where he raised the Solidarity flag. According to Nemtsov, “the main incentive for the ascent was to raise the flag of the opposition to a hitherto unattainable height, which is what I did.”
Access to federal television channels was closed to Nemtsov during these years due to strict censorship. According to Vladimir Pozner in May 2015, despite the fact that Nemtsov was of undoubted interest to television viewers, he could not invite the politician to appear on television in his program on Channel One due to prohibitions, although he really wanted to and tried to do this many times.
Nemtsov was detained on December 31, 2010 after the end of a rally agreed with the Moscow authorities on Triumfalnaya Square as part of the “Strategy-31” campaign. By the decision of the magistrate of the Tverskoy district of Moscow Borovkova O. Yu. Nemtsov was found guilty of committing an administrative offense under Part 1 of Article 19.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (disobedience to a lawful order or requirement of a police officer, military serviceman or employee of a body or institution of the penal system in connection with performance of their duties to protect public order and ensure public safety, as well as obstructing them in the performance of official duties), a punishment was imposed in the form of administrative arrest for a period of 15 days.
According to Lyudmila Alekseeva, who was present at the trial, as well as statements from numerous witnesses to the detention of Boris Nemtsov, the charges against him were falsified, and the court’s decision was unjust. Lyudmila Alekseeva, speaking on Echo of Moscow, said that human rights activists will now begin to bring to justice police officers who give false testimony in trials of participants in civil rallies and demonstrations.
On January 4, 2011, the international human rights organization Amnesty International recognized Boris Nemtsov as a prisoner of conscience. Ilya Yashin and Konstantin Kosyakin, who were detained and subsequently convicted along with Boris Nemtsov, were also recognized as prisoners of conscience.
In July 2014, the European Court of Human Rights found that Nemtsov had violated Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees freedom of assembly. The court found that Nemtsov’s administrative detention and arrest were unlawful and pursued goals unrelated to the grounds for deprivation of liberty cited by the authorities. The court decided to pay Nemtsov compensation in the amount of 28.5 thousand euros (26 thousand for moral damage and 2.5 thousand for legal costs).
Since 2010, Nemtsov has been actively involved in promoting the adoption of the “Magnitsky list” in the European Union and the United States., introducing personal sanctions against persons responsible for violations of human rights and the rule of law. On November 16, 2010, Nemtsov spoke in the US Congress at an evening in memory of Sergei Magnitsky after Senator Cardin, the author of the bill. Nemtsov proposed, simultaneously with the adoption of the list, to abolish the outdated Jackson-Vanik amendment in relation to Russia.
On February 16, 2012, Nemtsov handed over to the Member of the European Parliament, the initiator of the resolution “On the Rule of Law in Russia” Kristina Ojuland, the “Nemtsov list” as an addition to the “Magnitsky list” and the “Khodorkovsky list”. There are 11 names on the list: from Vladimir Putin to Vasily Yakemenko.